Some Recollections of my life for my children

during my confinement with aneurysm

beginning 25^th April 1886 (Easter)

As I lie on my back looking out of the south window of my bedroom, I could point out to you the ruins of the house where I was born, were it not obscured from view by fresh and glossy leaves of a willow oak just freshly clothed with verdure. The old house though, was located on Second Street between Market and Dock on the west side. It was a quaint looking low two story brick dwelling, the two tenements under one roof divided by an arched carriage way. The house was built by one of the French Islanders, (this one Paget by name) who were formerly in goodly number and quite thrifty merchants. The old house was not particularly attractive but at the time of my father's settlement in Wilmington (1859) was one of the few houses for rent. I have very few associations of a pleasant sort in connection with the old house, for after I grew to be a young man it was no longer a very desirable residence and was occupied by several poor families above and by small retail shop keepers on the first floor. Many years after (in my 38^th year, I believe) when I had been a doctor fifteen years I was called to see a family living in the very room in which I was born. Such wretchedness few persons but doctors are called upon to witness. The sick woman, the mother of a very large family occupied this room as their sole and entire abode. She, poor woman, was down with a bad erysipelas of the right hand and arm, her husband was sick in another bed with consumption, and filth abounded every where. There were no chairs, no place for me to place my hat, and I did not have the courage to take my seat beside her in her bed, and then go among my nicer patients. You may be sure that I contrasted in my mind very strongly the difference between that chamber as it was and what it must have been when the sick chamber as it was and what it must have been when the sick chamber of Grandma Wood. As I say there was no place to lodge my hat and gloves and I could not conveniently put a silk hat under my arm, I stood in the middle of the floor and wrote my prescription and gave directions with my hat on. This same experience I encountered for several visits. I ought here to record the other side of this picture in reference to this poor family. They had come from near Green Swamp hoping that by coming to town they would improve their circumstances. They were ignorant and filthy to the degree I could not describe when they came. It was not long before some good Christian people found them out, and got work for the children, sent them to school and my last recollection of them was they were earnest Christians themselves who had learned industry and cleanliness. But the old house is now ruins, having been destroyed by fire this spring.

Almost within sight of my window too, is the building which occupied the ground where my first school house was located. It was a wooden dwelling, the back room of which was used as a school room. My first teacher was Mrs. Coxeter a stern looking old lady, deeply wrinkled with parchment like complexion. The poor old lady had a very bad cough, I believe they said she had consumption, but it didn't take away her ability to handle the ferule or the switch, and such ability was necessary in those days, for the idea seemed to be that learning had to be switched into the children. I can see the old lady now with her head mounted with a frilled cap, ferule in hand, stand over while I pointed out with timid uncertainty faintly A, when the old lady with a scolding voice emphasized it A, as though I had not only called the wrong letter, but had put the wrong emphasis on it which would certainly bring the ferule on my devoted palm (the little children were always spanked in the palms of their hand for punishment), if I dared repeat the same mistake. I was a very young scholar, and when I recalled to your Grandfather Wood the fact that I was only four years old, he was not disposed to believe. I was always blessed with a good memory and I proved after this simple fashion. Grand Pa (my father) is a builder and at the time I was a wee school boy he was putting up a building on Front Street between market and Dock. A mulatto carpenter by the mane of Solomon Nash fell from the scaffolding and was killed. The funeral procession passed by our school house the next day, and we were all let out on the front piazza to see it, and as it was the first funeral I had ever seen it made a lasting impression. On comparing the dates my father found that the accident to Nash was in 1845, and I was born in 1841 (Feb. 23^rd) it proved the accuracy of my memory. Twenty years later in a house (now standing) that is in 1865, I took office with Judge R.S. French, he as a lawyer, I as a doctor, to undertake in my own home the practice of medicine.

My school days were brought to an end at old Mrs. Coxeter's and my Mother found out that I was getting to be a big boy and ought to be advanced. It happened in this wise. My brother Bob and I wore long checked aprons but after a few days at school we found that the boys looked upon us as babies and teased us so about it, we hit upon the plan of unbuttoning each others aprons and hiding them in the open brickwork of a basement of Mr. Baxter's house next to the school house. It all went on very well until one day after school we went to get our aprons and they were gone. We had to go home without them, but you must not be impolite enough to ask what Ma did to us. At any rate she discovered that we were beginning to find that we were no longer very little boys.

Most of our little boy days were passed in that part of the town south of Ann Street west of Third Street. My companions were mostly my cousins the Haines boys - Henry, Dan and George, the Ferguson boys - George H and Willie. Besides these Walter McRee (Col. John's son) and John Fergus and John Latta and David his brother. Second Street Mr. Hewett had a Tan Yard. It was a great event to get permission (and I am afraid that I went without permission after, much to my regret sometimes) to go to the old tan yard and ride the old horse round and round as he revolved the mill which ground the bark. The smell of the ooze of the tan pits (vats I believe they are called) was not at all disagreeable, or at any rate was entirely forgotten in the pleasure of even such a monotonous ride.

Among my companions not mentioned was a Ketchum family. They were poor people, but they were always very kind to me, and allowed me the same liberties about the house with their children. One of these liberties I appreciated very much was that of standing around a big skillet into which a liberal allowance of molasses had been poured, and each child being armed with a big hunk of corn bread would sop the delicious sweetness to our heart's content. Of course the operation concluded, I would be pretty well stripped with molasses, which dripped away from my bread, and so return to my Mother to get private instructions. I was forbidden time and again not to go near the Ketchums again without permission, but so strong was the temptation that I made a hole under the fence into an adjoining lot and so made my way back to my friends. Before my new way of escaping was discovered I was missing one might until after dark. It was usual for all of us to be put to bed a little after sunset. We got a bowl of milk and a slice of bread, and by dark we were either telling stories to each other or having a fight with pillows. The occasion of my disappearance though was a tar- barrel bon fire (one of the delights of the Wilmington boy of that day) which was to take place in the street in front. of the Ketchums. (The spot is now occupied by a house belonging to Mr. W.H. Green, druggist) I remember how I enjoyed the bonfire. It was a good "rich", barrel of tar and the flame and the dense smoke shot high up into the air. The boys danced and yelled around it until they were tired, and then delighted themselves with drawing away the melting tar by little troughs made in the sand with our finders, and leading the cooked tar into little pockets to get pitch to chew. My father who had been in search for me on horseback spied me, and took his smoke begrimed little boy back home.

Grandma Wood tells the story with a little pride about a mishap I had on my third or fourth birthday. We were at the house of a next door neighbor, Mr. Fergus. I was eating chestnuts and hastening to throw the shells into the fire I tripped and fell with my hands extended forward, both of them badly burned on a bed of coals. The burn was very sever and had to be dressed daily and I used to ask before it was begun, to be allowed to go in the next room and have my cry out, which being accomplished, I came back and submitted to the dressing without a whimper. I am sure that this fortitude lasted all through my boyhood days, as good as beginning as that was.

Mexican War. I have only two recollections of incidents connected with the Mexican War. One was in seeing the soldiers wrapped in their blankets out on the deck of a vessel as they were sailing down the river on their way I suppose to join the army. My next recollection was a dinner given to the returned soldiers. The new market house had just been finished. It stood at the west end of Market Street extending nearly to the river. Some of you children may have forgotten it. It was a mere shed enclosed, and supported with iron columns. The east end had a belfry, when the town bell was rung. A dinner was given on the 4^th of July, I don't remember the year, I only knew that it was most noisy and boisterous and I remember that when I peeped in that grown men were throwing loaves of bread at each other, a new sort of sport of me.

When I began school again I had a very different experience from that at old Mrs. Coxeter's. The school was taught by my father's first cousin Mrs. Hartshorn who was assisted by her daughter Harriet (now Mrs. Daniel). The object of this school seemed to be to take care of their children, to teach them how to sing and how to have a good time, not neglecting to teach us to read. Every scholar was expected to bid the teacher "good morning" and "good evening" until recognized and saluted in turn. We were taught to "look as neat as a pin". It was different form the awful stern ways of old Mrs. Coxeter that going to school began to be attractive. The school house was first in a room on the corner of 2^nd and Church Street. But was afterwards moved to a small building on the same lot. There was quite a settlement here of our kin people in the neighborhood. My great aunt Mrs. Hetty Wood and an old lady with a bright intelligent face, the mother of Mrs. Hartshorn lived in the same household. She was a well educated woman with a refined pleasing face. She was gradually losing her eyesight and could not see to thread her needles. She was an inveterate worker in carpet rags, which seemed to be the thing among old ladies. In order to work without interruption she had her needles threaded by first one child and then another, and she in turn would entertain the child with stories from English history. I was always glad when my turn came, because I got very often praise for being "a very smart boy", had head stroked lovingly. But best of all were the stories she told from English history. She seemed to have it by heart so thoroughly, she was always ready to tell us some more. I don't know how much I remember about the history but I came to the conclusion that she was a wonderful woman.

Cousin Harriett Wood also lived in the same household. She afterward carried on a fruit store on Front Street next to her brother's Daniel and Ezra Wood, at the same stand now occupied by Capt. John L. Boatwright. The above named were all one family living where Mr. Harry Smith now lives. Next to them lived the Ferguson, cousins of mine and next to them the Haines, also my cousins. Mrs. Ferguson and Mrs. Haines were daughters of aunt Hetty Wood. These families all came from Nantucket, Mass. Mr. Haines and Mr. Ferguson were excellent carpenters, who came to Wilmington after the great fire of 1841 and 1845, and with my father and Uncle John C. Wood, built up the town with brick houses of a far better sort than had been known here. The Fergusons moved to California when the gold fever broke out. Mr. Haines went also leaving his family here. He died in California. His sons Henry S. (now manager of the Plant Investment Co.'s lines of the R.R. in Ga. and Fla/) Daniel W. (a machinist in bad health living in Florence, S.C.) and George W. (a R.R. Supt. Under his brother Henry S. in Savannah) The Fergusons are still loving in California. Cousin George Ferguson made us a visit from there last month, coming all the way from Cal. To New York for $25.00 distance about 3000 miles.

I don't know the year exactly but about 1847 our family moved from the south end of town and took up our abode on Market Street, N.E. corner of 8^th. At that time there was no regularly cleared street east of 5^th and Market. Wells Carriage Shop and the Petteway house on the south side of Market between 7^th and 8^th street. Scrubby oaks surrounded our house and all the original growth of trees and shrubs except pines. The section was known as Gallows Hill, because of the execution by hanging of two Negroes at different times at or near our house. It was gradually filled up with small frame houses.

One incident occurred while living in this section of the town that I remember most vividly. Coming along 4^th St. with another boy, David S. Latta (afterwards a comrade in war from which he escaped unhurt but only to be overtaken by the awful calamity of insanity) two dogs trained for the purpose of trailing run away Negroes escaped from the hands of their master, and cam bearing up 4^th St. In the direction of Market. Latta was in the lead and the dog which pursued bit him slightly on the heel but abandoned his chase for him. Just as I was attempting to get in the side gate of where Dr. Thomas now lives both of the savage beasts caught me in their teeth. One bit me through the left elbow, the other caught me by the thigh. I heard afterwards that they had great difficulty beating the dogs off. I was taken by some kind people into Mr. Taylor's (John O.) Cor. 4^th and Market and then home. Everybody was greatly excited and alarmed over the occurrence and there was a great deal of talk. Fortunately I heard no terrible stories of hydrophobia after such dog bites and I was easily appeased by the present of a book. The book was Masterman Ready. It was the first book I remember to have read with great interest and being nine, I devoured it all the more greedily. I had time to finish the wonderful story while the wounds were healing and so begun new experiences.

One of our great pleasure as children (Brother Bob and I) was going to the brick yard on Saturday. This place was owned by my father and Uncle John. It was situated on Smith's Creek about three and a half miles from town. A great number of Negroes were employed there making bricks which were sent to town by the creek. For little boys the walk was a long one and we felt quite like heroes the first time we accomplished the walk. Afterwards our boy neighbor used to go with us, and so prepared with a lunch, we would trudge along the road, get half famished before our journey was ended, eat up our lunch on the way, and trust to the chances of getting more. After my father's failure in business the old place was sold and went in to the hands of Mr. Chas. Bradley who after unsuccessful attempt gave up the business. It was during our visit here that we learned to fish and shoot a gun. My brother Bob particularly learned how to make nets, one of which was a success. I remember how excited we got when we went to look after the morning it had been set, to draw up in the bag nearly a bucket full of fine blue perch. I must confess that the skill and patience which secured the success belonged to my brother and not to me.

My father and Uncle owned the building known as the Carolina Hotel (Cor. Market and 2^nd St.) But they had not been successful in getting goo tenants. My father concluded to undertake to keep it himself. He knew nothing about the business and so engaged the services of a cousin, Thos. O Fanning, of Poughkeepsie, New York. He was an active upstart of a little Yankee, spry and consequential, nearly ruined my father by his extravagance and dishonesty.

The movement was a bad one in the family. There were - of the children sister Agnes, brother Bob, sister Mary, Lydia and myself. From almost the quiet of the country we went into a new world to us. The hotel was quite a place of resort - there was a great deal of travel, the Wilmington and Raleigh R.R. (Now W.W.R.R.) Was not run on a strict schedule; the southern roads terminated at Wilmington and parties going to and from Charleston were obliged to take passage on the steamers. They were fine vessels for that day, and attracted a good deal of travel in this way. As there was frequently misconnection between the road and the steamers, the hotel was often crowded. I remember on one occasion when the great singer Jenny Lind was expected by the road going south to fill and engagement at Charleston, crowds of people waited at the depot for many hours just to get a sight of her. There was no shed or shelter for passengers, who went immediately from the cars to the steamer.

During my stay at the hotel 3 or 4 years I saw many important persons among Louis Kossuth, the great Hungarian leader and exile. He had been received with great enthusiasm in the northern towns but it was understood in the south that he was an opponent of slavery, and no notice was taken of him. The Kossuth hat was all the rage at school at the time. It was a soft felt hat with a black plume in it. Although people made no demonstration, some were curious to see Kossuth and I remember as a little boy going with quite a number of gentlemen to peep in at the door. We saw quite a grave looking man striding the floor as if angry. He turned fiercely on us and said in good English and with much anger in his voice "Am I a wild beast to be stared at!" I believe we got out of his way as quickly as possible.

Madame Anna bishop and Parodi, singers, Ole Bull, the violinist, Strackosh, Carottan and Adelina Patti (both of them very young) Dr. Marshall Hall the great English Physiologist, Billy Bow Legs the captured chief of the Florida Indians, Wm. R. King, V. Priest, Phillips S. White, temperance lecturer and many others. Among those who have become very notable was Joseph Jefferson, the actor. He was a very young man then, He came to Wilmington as a quiet little country town where he might cultivate his profession and make a start in the world.

It will seem strange to my children when they come to read about slavery because some twelve years before the oldest was born 1877 then slavery had been abolished. The incident I relate needs a little explanation.

1850 Slaves were not allowed to be taught to read and write. The only lawful instruction allowed was such as might be given orally as in church and Sunday school. In the Carolina Hotel spoken above there was a Negro barber named Richard Edens. His mistress was Miss or Mrs. Mary Orm (Aunt of Mrs. Junius Davis) a very indulgent lady to her slaves for the times. She treated them as if they were her children (that is as much as could be). Richard was the barber at the hotel, and worked for his mistress on shares. He had always some spending money by him. His little shop was on Second St. The side entrance of the hotel by which we came in from school. Like all school boys we were hungry when we came in and an offer of some tempting lunch would get our first attention. We often found Dick pouring over his spelling book, looking very wise and making many gesture with his head and smacking of the mouth when he thought he had got over a hard place. At every favorable opportunity our services were secured and we passed sometime teaching our labors always being closed by a repast of certain small pies which were our favorites. Dick was very quick witted and saw his advantage and at his suggestion formed what we called "the pie society". Brother Bob and I and Dick were the members. The objects were on the part of Dick to learn to read and write, and ours to enjoy the pies and the banjo-picking to which we were treated. After a long time Dick got a good start and considered himself a good scholar, and scrawled off "Richard Edens" on every spare piece of paper he could get, making all the droll gestures of preparation such as glancing his paper side ways and licking out his tongue. Afterwards he married a free woman (mulatto) which was against the law of the state. When it became known, and when Dick learned that whipping on the bare back (39 lashes) he determined to run away. He told his mistress about it and she made the preparation for his escape into Canada, which was safely accomplished. I saw the poor fellow when the was over, and he related his experiences of escape and residence in Canada and New Jersey, and that he was divorced for his wife. His health was fast failing and died with consumption about 1884. I urged him on the necessity of preparation for eternity and he did seem to try, and was in some degree reconciled but I am not sure how he died. I was his doctor until the last I believe- I used often to teach the hotel waiters how to read and I suppose that I usually got something I valued in return. I don't think I knew at the time that it was unlawful to teach them.

Railroad Meeting- My father was always a hearty promoter of internal improvements and stated it as a cardinal doctrine of the old time Democratic party and opposed to the opposite party of the Whigs. When the Weldon R.R. was in its infancy, he was building shops for the company and needed some shovels. Mr. Alex. Anderson, a Scotch merchant, father of my good old friend Dr. E.P. Anderson refused to credit the company with a dozen shovels, but of course my father had greater confidence and did the work. In 18-, a few enterprising citizens determined that they would have R.R. connections with Charleston. My father was an active promoter of the work, and used his influence for it everywhere. He was one of the committee to visit Charleston in interest of the work and to secure the cooperation of Charleston. In this they failed. The did not give up the enterprise but kept stirring up the people by public meetings. One of the ways was so novel in its character that I will relate it. My father had a mare named Fanny, very well known because she was used as common property by any of his friends when they found her tied at a convenient place for them. This horse was brought into requisition. A black boy "Eph" or "Goof" as we called him would mount the mare with a placard on a frame - "Rail Road Meeting To Night." I was mounted backwards and rand a bell with all my might. It was a singular performance which made all the people come to their doors to see what it all meant, and I enjoyed it very much. I took so much of a part in forwarding the building of what was the Wilmington and Manchester R.R., now the Wilmington, Col. And Augusta R.R. I recollect afterwards of being present at the inauguration of the R.R. when zealous citizens assembled to the first spade fulls of dirt as a God speed to the work.

This road and the W & W R.R. once the property of our citizens, by the misfortune of the period after the war known as "Reconstruction", but really "destruction" worse than war, these roads especially the latter was handed over to foreign (i.e. Maryland) corporators. It was done by inducing the "Carpet-Bag" legislature of 1868 to sell out the state's interest for a mere song, thus throwing the control of the road into foreign hands. By subsequent juggling of the stocks the road was completely handed over to men whose interest were all in Baltimore, and since then the freight discrimination against Wilmington have worked great damage to us.

Swimming - All the boys of my acquaintance learned how to swim quite young. When I was 11 or 12 I could swim across the N.E. branch of the Cape Fear at the Weldon Railroad warehouse and I was not by any means a young expert. Burnt Mill Creek which flows by the Oakdale Cemetery on the north side was a great resort for the boys of all sorts and sizes. The bed of the Creek at the site of the Mill which once stood there (afterwards burned and from that its name) was white sand and just over the head of the biggest boy at high tide. I have often and often gone there, and if we found the tide low but rising we would "go in" and wait for the tide to rise. An act of disobedience about this gave us such sun-burnt backs that we had to have our backs well greased with cream and wear our sisters shawl about the house until we got well. Every boy went at his swimming lessons in earnest as it was a test of manhood to know how, and some of the larger boys when they thought we were too backward had a way of throwing a boy over his head to teach him the art more rapidly. In all my experience I do not remember a death by drowning among the boys. Another favorite place was at the dock near Castle Street. I saw there on one occasion a thing that made the boys laugh very much although it was not very funny to the poor fellow who was the victim. A colored man nearly white named John, was hurrying along with a tub of butter on his head, following a Jew merchant named Meyer, trying to catch a boar or vessel about to depart for Smithville. It was summer time and the butter was very soft. The firkin bottom was not very strong and in an unfortunate jolt the poor fellow got at some uneven place, the bottom went through and the firkin fell about his head like a collar and his head was buried in the soft butter. The Jew got very much excited at the loss of his butter he gestured and about and abused the poor darkey, while the poor fellow was doing his best to keep from suffocating form the unctuous mass. The boys of course gathered around to see what to them was such fun, and dubbed the man "John butter" a name he ever afterwards went by with them.

Guess' School One of the school attended was kept by a teacher named G.W. Guess. He had been a blacksmith's apprentice, we all heard and was taken by Mr. Bingham (the elder of that name) and educated. He was a strong large, muscular man and brought to Wilmington all the severe ideas of discipline which he had learned from his master. Brother Bob and I went to him, also Paul Repiton. His father was a Baptist preacher and in common with my father made a written request that we should be excused form the study of Catechism on Fridays, which was the rule of the school. Mr. Guess was a Presbyterian and of course taught the "Shorter Catechism." My father's family at the time attended the Presbyterian church although not members of it. The first school I remember after Mrs. Coxeter's was the infant class at the Sunday school of that church taught by Miss Augusta law. She was very kind to children and was an exemplary Christian lady I have always heard. I remember as if it was yesterday an old colored man by the name of Moro who visited the school regularly to hear the little children sing about Jesus. He had a remarkable history. He was an educated African prince or petty ruler of some sort, who had been sold into slavery, had come to this country and had fallen into the hands of a humane master, Genl. Owens. He waited on the children carrying them water in an old tin lacquered cup, and was delighted at all of the exercises of the school. He was concerted to Christianly after he came to this country and seemed very happy in the love of Christ. Well, our teacher, Mr. Guess, was a member of this church and required the boys to remember the text and be able to give it if called upon on Monday. Mr. James O. Stedman was the first minister and Rev. M.B. Grier (now Dr. Greer) of Philadelphia was the second. Mr. Guess gave me a very severe whipping with a stout cane across my back, which was days in getting well, and so shocked my parents that they took me out of school, and was the beginning of an estrangement which afterwards separated them form the church (First Presbyterian). Such teachers no longer exist and I hope that my boys will never live to see the day they will have to suffer such cruelty.

A Revival The first I ever knew of a revival was one that caused a great excitement in the town. It was conducted in the 5^th St. Methodist Church, by a northern man named Adams. For weeks the excitement kept up and I was induced by some companions to go one Sunday afternoon. To me the scene was awful. The preacher was a healthy red faced man with good lungs, and to mind a messenger sent to pronounce the awful doom against sinners. His exhortations left me no room to doubt that he knew what a bad boy I was, and it cause a lump to stick in my throat as though I had eaten something which had disagreed with me. Some of the members of the church would strike up the most solemn and agonizing hymns, sounding like wails, and in the midst of it all, at the tops of their voices tow or three exhorters would begin crying out so as to be heard above the voices of the singers, inviting the sinners in the congregation to come forward to the alter (chancel rail). I was very strongly convinced that I was a sinner, but as it was all new to me, and the persons that I saw were either strangers to me or persons with whom my parents did not associate, I doubted if everything was right. So I went away from the church with a disturbed conscience, but kept my secret to myself. Somehow my mother found out about my visit to the 5^th Street Methodist Church, and discouraged my going again. I am now convinced that what I saw and heard did me good rather than harm, although my mother was right in not allowing me, a lad of 11 or 12 to go among people of whom she knew nothing, without some of the family went. At the time there was a strong prejudice prevailing against the Methodists, upon the ground that the scenes at their religious gatherings were not always "decent and in order", and because it was quite at variance with the quiet demeanor of the other churches. My earliest sympathies were with the Methodists because I thought that the great message of salvation should be told with far more earnestness that the style of some of the other churches, as it was really a message which should be made to arrest the attention of the indifferent multitude. Their way was too boisterous often times and the lack of the education of the exhorters many times made their address ridiculous, but I could always make allowance for this because I believed them to be in earnest in trying to call sinning people to conversion.

Odd Fellows School 1850-1857 My next school was known as the Odd Fellow's School afterwards Mr. Meginney's, the building now the corner of Princess and 4^th St. It was a very large school founded by the Odd Fellows having for its first teacher Mr. McLoughlin, a Scotch teacher who had lost a leg. He died and Mr. Meginney succeeded him, and was in charge when I entered school. The school was divided into rows of benches and classes numbering from 1 to 12. I entered the 11^th class. Our teacher was very strict but very systematic, and for the first time I began to learn something and take an interest in it. Many things were new to me. The large school room was supplied with blackboards all around and we had pencils, pens, copy books, school books and everything supplied, and we were made to keep them neat and clean. Whipping for the first few years was not neglected, but it was not at all severe like that done by Mr. Guess. One of the worst punishments was to be kept and have to write sentences on your slate, according to the offense committed the number of times allotted. For instance if you were late repeatedly you would have to write "I must remember to be prompt at school." A boy after writing this fifty times would be right apt to be prompt the next day. This was a favorite mode of punishment. If a boy made a grammatical error, the boys detecting it would point out what it was. He would be given say, 5 merit marks, the boy committing the error 5 demerits, and be required to stay after school and write out the corrected sentence as many times as the teacher asked him. As the teacher got older he would not disgrace the boy by whipping him before the entire school, but take him into the private room where he kept his philosophical apparatus and after a lecture administered a few cuts with a leather strap. He was a man of fine feeling, thoroughly trained as a teacher in the elements of education, and he knew how to impart his knowledge. I owe a great deal top him, quite as much for the suggestion for further study which his teaching agave as for the actual knowledge he imparted. His habits of method he imparted to every boy who could learn it and in later life I have reaped its benefits. It was at the school that I got a taste for scientific study which has been my pleasure all my life. The first books I remember which opened my thoughts for scientific study was the teaching the study of what was called natural Philosophy (physics) by apparatus. The phenomena of heat, light, electricity, gravity, pneumatics, hydrostatic, etc. were taught by specially devised apparatus now very common but then very rare in common schools. After this we were taught chemistry from a poor text book, but it excited my desire to study greatly and during vacation I read whatever I could find within my comprehension. Physiology, was studied with some success and the teacher supplemented his lack of knowledge by reading selections for other physiologist bearing upon the subject of our lessons. Astronomy was also taught by means of well pointed diagrams - white on black and the size and revolutions of sun, earth, planets, and their proportionate relation was shown by mounted balls moved by machinery. I did not care much for astronomy, I have never seen such appliances in a common school. We also had a master of penmanship- Mr. Perley - a New Englander. I have since thanked him greatly for what he taught me and I believe that more good penmen were his pupils than of all the other teachers together. One thing at this school was a great trouble to me. Rapid ciphering was one of the things taught at all times. The teacher seemed to have it in his mind that he was preparing his students for accountants and merchants; my tastes and capacity did not run in the direction of arithmetic. Friday afternoons was usually a half holiday to successful arithmeticians. The teacher gave a "sum" on the blackboard. This was taken down by all and worked out as rapidly as possible. The first boy completing carried his slate to the teacher. If the answer was right he passed a wet sponge over it. The boy was then at liberty to leave school for the afternoon. But the poor dullards like me, had to dig and struggle over it, so that instead of a half holiday, it was a longer session than usual. It developed classes of rapid and accurate accountants, who have done well as book-keepers and merchants.

1857 During one summer I spent a good deal of time at the old school house, by myself, enjoying the liberty of doing some experiments with the philosophical apparatus, but one day an accident happened to one of the appliances that dampened my ardor and trouble for same. I exhausted air from an India rubber bag by means of an air pump, attaching weight to the bag, to show lifting power of the vacuum, when to my grief the bag burst. I mourned over it many days not knowing what sort of excuse I could give to the absent for doing so much damage. I wrote the manufacturers and found that 55 cents would replace it, and I was happy, but I did not ger relief until I had tried many experiments in dissolving India rubber to make a cement to close up the rent in the bag. My accident was therefore a profitable experiment for one inquiring into the ways of knowledge. I did not experiment further for the fear of doing damage which I might not be able to remedy.

About the pleasantness season of my school life at Mr. Meginney's was after he became proprietor of the school and employed his own teachers. It was a mixed school of large girls and boys. Our lady teachers were Miss Julia Norton (afterwards Mrs. Don McRee) and Miss Dora Norton. Miss Julia taught French, drawing and reading. These studies opened up new ideas. I took at once to French and so great was my admiration for the teacher and her thoroughness that I kept up my French ever afterwards, and especially as a doctor I found it very useful. In drawing I was jealous of Uncle Bob who succeeded so well, that I soon gave it up. The reading taught was not simply reading but was instruction in English literature from the earliest days, I think our text book was Reids. We were instructed in reading correctly, and then with an analysis of the lesson read. We were taught its grammatical construction, its beauty and depths of meaning. Each author had a short sketch appended to extracts form him, so that we got the history of literature as well as the substance of the best extracts. More than this we committed a great deal to memory. I was especially interested in Shakspere and I believer all of us were delighted with the way Miss Norton read. One affecting scene occurred in the reading class on one occasion. One of my class masters, Cicero Craig, a tender-hearted, timid boy about my age (14 to 16) had recently lost his mother. When he came back to school the class had reached "Cowper", and on this particular acoustician the subject of the day's lesson was "Lines on the Receipt of his Mother's portrait", beginning as well as I remember-

"My mother when I heardst that thou wert dead

Wast thou conscious of the tears I shed?

Hovered thy spirit o'er thy sorrowing son

Wretch even then life's journey just begun?" etc.

As the teacher read the verses with true pathetic intonation poor Craig broke down into an audible sob and it was all the class could do to look at him without crying. He was excused and allowed to leave the room. After that always felt deep attachment for Cowper's pathetic verses and hymns. Craig afterwards became a lion-hearted soldier as you will see if I finish this narrative.

Miss Dora Norton taught Botany from Wood's text book. She was rather dull and knew nothing about botany except as she learned day by day and she did not come prepared on the day's lessons. Her classes were not confident of her abilities and therefore I learned very little and did not gain a high opinion of art and science of botany. I am sorry to say that we were uncivil to our teacher and presented flowers to her which "made-up" and enjoyed her confusion in not being able to name them for us.

Altogether this school laid the foundation for all the education I was to get. There was in 1856-57 a Polytechnic College in Philadelphia. My father was violently opposed to Chapel Hill, believing that young men learned there very little than how to dress like gentlemen and behave like rowdies. He also formed a prejudice against Latin and Greek course generally pursued, so that I was taught neither. In the place we were taught the course preparatory to the Polytechnic College as my brother and I were to be made Engineers. The course in Algebra, arithmetic, geometry, French, etc. My father's plan never carried out, for in 1857 in the financial crash he lost it all. My brother Bob secured a place as Deputy Clerk of the Court, and I continued my attendance at Mr. Meginney's school another year, closing my course in 1857. A singular item showing the character of my old teacher occurred a few months before his death in (1883?) The year he undertook to Chemistry his purpose was to illustrate it with experiments and he procured an outfit which was quite a good one for that day, in fact better than some of the colleges could boast of. Not having any experimental knowledge he did not illustrate our lessons with the apparatus, but it was kept carefully boxed up for 25 years when he sent it to me as a present. I was his physician at the time and I thought how strange was his attachment for me and faith in my skill, when as a pupil I did not think that he formed an opinion which ever would have ripened into such sentiments even after the lapse of many years. I always found Mr. Meginney to be a careful conscientious teacher, precise and thorough, never pretending to know or going beyond his depth, ambitious to see his pupils excel, and succeeding as a teacher in a degree beyond that of any of his contemporaries in the grade of education fitting young men for ordinary business. He did not teach Latin or Greek but had a teacher, Mr. Lindsay, who was afterwards the Gov. of Ala. And also Mr. Jas. Norcom. I was never a pupil in the branch for reasons that I have before mentioned. My vacations after I got older were spent sometimes at Smithville, but one season if not more, I spent in the old school house by the teacher's permission I had access to his library and to the philosophical apparatus.

Robinson Crusoe I think that it is a great event in a boy's life when he first reads Robinson Crusoe. I was about 13 or 14 when I had the first opportunity of reading my own copy. It was the complete edition brought to me by my father from New York. We were living in old Carolina Hotel and to be sure that I would not be disturbed I hunted a room not to be occupied and buried myself in a feather bed and read eagerly and with sympathy form the very first page. I know poor Robinson was not more real to any one else than he was in my mind. In fact I don't believe that to this day (1886) I can realize that there is no such person and that it was only a cunningly devised story of Daniel DeFoe. Robinson's shipwreck, building his house, his sense of loneliness, his daily invention to make himself comfortable and provide for the morrow were intensely interesting. I believe I could have kept on reading indefinitely about planting fields, taming goats and parrots, building palisades, clothing himself even to his hat and umbrella with goat's skins, building a boat, reading his Bible, and discovering how much he had neglected the good and true things taught him at home; but when Friday was introduced, and someone else came in and he had trouble with the savages, and his journey homeward through Liberia, all of this broke the charm for me, and I would turn back to the beginning and read it as though I had never seen it. I have thought many times since seeing how skillful some of our Wilmington boys were in training goats to work in harness, that the story of Robinson's trouble in launching that big boat might be improved by training a team of goats to pull it to the water.

Revival of 1857 I don't know of anything in my earlier recollections that caused a more lasting impression than the revival of 1857. It was a year of great business trouble. A great many merchants north and south failed, and money was very scarce. After my father's failure and the dissolution of the firm of J.C and R.B. Wood he did but little in his business, until he was engaged by Maj. W.H. Whiting of the W.S. Engineer Corps, to build a light house on Hunting Island about 30 miles south of Beaufort S.C. He left my brother and my sisters Mary and Lydia at home. I had already begun to study medicine, irregularly, and had met up in this experience with some very wild harem-scarum young men, into whose frolics I had entered like one of them. The revival began in the old Front Street Methodist Church. Dr. Chas. F. Deems was the minister, and he was a man of great eloquence. I do not remember what companion it was who first introduced me to go, for our family had never attended the Methodist Church, and I was not much acquainted with their ways. I remember that a great many boys of my age became earnest seekers after peace. The revival became so general that in all the churches there were daily prayer meetings and preaching for a long time together. Although the Episcopalian had no prayer meetings as in the other churches, great spiritual energy took hold of them. Bishop Atkinson was particularly earnest and having a free church on the corner of 4^th and Orange Sts. (Now St. Paul's church) he attracted congregations who had never before known much of the observances and teachings of that Church. In the Front Street church every night penitents crowded to the church rail to ask the prayers of the congregation and to pray for their conversion, and to show their intention to strive to lead a new life. At one of these meetings I went forward, full of sorrow, with a sense of wickedness and desire to make peace with God and strive to lead a new life. There was an idea among the people that conversion was a sudden change of heart accompanied with great joy which was bound to show itself in some kind of outward demonstration; so that most of the young persons could tell almost the instant of their conversion or change of heart. I was greatly troubled that my experience did not agree with that of any of my companions. For several might I went to be prayed for, and had the kind counsel of many good friends of long Christian experience, but I failed to realize any great ecstacy of feeling. I made the acquaintance of Dr. Deems the minister, and he was very kind to me, also Dr. Jno. N. Andrew took great interest in me. Mr. Geo. M. Bowen, a young man from Conn, a clerk, was particularly interested in me, and helped me no little; also W.M. Poisson, Jas. W. Collins and other. I professed a change of heart at last, and was very natural under the circumstances, I joined the Front Street Methodist Church. There was a large number who were my companions in this important move, and many of them are today consistent members of the church. The Presbyterian Church made a great many accessions. Re. Mr. Grier was the minister, and through Mr. Bowen's acquaintance with them, I attended their young men's prayer meetings at private houses, and noticed the difference in their ways, and I believe that more of their young men remained faithful to their early vows. During the revival the young men of all churches held prayer meetings in the different churches, the services being conducted by them. Out of this movement grew the Young Men's Christian Association. It did not last but a few years, and had very little vigor. My father and mother at the time I joined the church were not church member, but afterwards joined the Episcopal church under the ministration of Bishop Atkinson and when as a family we were all reunited, we had daily morning prayers. Never has there been in Wilmington in my day such an out pouring of the spirit of revival upon the churches: I believe it extended all over the country, and it good influences are felt to this day. All of my prejudices and that of hundreds of others were overcome by the evident spirit of religion manifested in every walk of life.

A Medical Student I was about 17 years old when I entered the office of Dr. Jas. F. McRee, Jr. as a regular medical student. I was not far enough advanced to take such an important step. I did not ask my father's advice for fear he would discourage me, his heart being set on my preparing myself as a civil engineer. This idea came for his great dislike for the results he had seen of a career at the State University and because he himself, being a mechanic desired to see me follow in some branch of mechanic art and furthermore because a favorite cousin of his, a young man (1858) Henry S. Haines was making most excellent advancements as a mechanic. As I have told you I was not allowed to study Latin or Greek, and so I had to take to this study to enable me to understand the technicalities. Having no teacher though I did not advance far. My fellow students were Alex. Ashe, son of Thos. S. Ashe, people of aristocratic ideas. This young man had been a cadet at Annapolis, U.S. Naval Academy, but had been allowed to resign. He was very wild and dissipated, but came home and undertook to study medicine. He was a little older than me and knew a great deal that was amusing and wicked which he had learned as a cadet. Thos. Cowan, a little my junior, brother-in-law of Dr. McRee. Afterward was added to our number C.C. Corbett, a railroad clerk. There were also at the doctor's offices in town as follows; W.J Love, A.H Robbins, J.C. Shepard, G.N. Ennett, at Dr. Jas. H. Dickinson; H.G. Flanner and H.W. Gardner, at Dr. Thomas's; Richard Quince and Paschal Agostini, at Dr. Anderson's; Ancrum Burr, with Dr. Freeman. Some of these boys had ways and means to live but I had none and so to continue to study medicine and support myself was the first task I had to undertake. My first opportunity was to teach a country school. An opportunity offered in the fall of 1858 to teach school at Thos. H. Williams, five miles from town. Mr. Williams was one of the school "permitted", as he called it, taking the word from the fact that as a committeeman he permitted the teacher to undertake the work. He could neither read nor write. My first visit to his house was to see if the other members of the committee would take me. To settle this he drove me over to an adjoining plantation to Mr. Sam Davis and presented me after this fashion. "Mr. Davis, I has fetched you a young man for a teacher; I know he is a smart man bekause he can write as fast as a lawyer." The bargain was concluded and I was installed as a teacher at $100 for 3 three months, and my board at Mr. Williams. My school consisted of about fifteen scholars, from 20 years old to 7, from the neighborhood. The children all had their own books and all different so that my teaching was unsatisfactory. None of them were farther advanced than the simplest rudiments. Our school louse was a log house with a wide door and a large fireplace but no window. Being in the midst of pines we had plenty of light wood knots and managed to keep warm in the cold days, but there was not good light and the smoke was sometimes bad on the eyes. After the first day at school I went with the two Williams boys to their father's house which was to be my home. I never had such a feeling of heart sinking and loneliness. The people were very kind but exceedingly plain and ignorant. I looked around the house with its bare floors and big rooms with wide fire-places and then at my room, but I could imagine no comfort for myself. There was nothing to read and no companionable persons. I thought that I would soon forget everything in the companion of a medical book I had brought to study. I had advanced far enough in the study of medicine to take up physiology. The work of Dr. Jno. W. Draper was just out, and I had become the proud possessor of a copy. I will note here that I bought my textbooks as I went along. The students who were ahead of me got the use of the books, and I had to purchase mine of re-read the antiquated ones. In fact this circumstance did lead me to some acquaintance with "Chiselden's Anatomy", "Darwin's Zoonomia" and a few other quaint books, of which I was glad many years after. But to return to my first night at Mr. Williams', I formed the plan in my mind of going to my room right after supper and there spend the night in reading "draper's Physiology". My plan failed by a very simple circumstance that there was no candle. I pretty soon found that candles were not used in the house except on great occasions as reading was no part of the family's entertainment. I pretty soon found that the teacher was expected to come into the hall (the large sitting room) and be entertained by old Mr. Williams ("Five Mile Tommy" the boys called him, I learned afterwards) by the big lightwood fire which blazed there. I bravely made the resolution to turn my back to the fire, and to read my choice book, but the old man stood as long as he could and then proceeded to entertain me with some of his stereotyped stories of deer hunts. I had heard about these famous stories, one of which had a grand dramatic point in ti, where the old man brought in a well known sentence to all his neighbors who had heard the story for years. "I got into a stoopid posper and seed a commendious beg feller a coming." I could not help laughing, not because the story was so funny, but because I knew of this regular set speech. He tired quite early, the fire died down and there was no light wood at hand to replenish it, and he went to bed and left me no alternative but to do the same. My room was a shed room, with the usual feather bed, having that peculiar animal odor that has been my horror ever since. I went to bed bu not to sleep. My homesickness increased as the night wore on and before day I had made up my mind to quit my boarding house, and walk, to and from school a distance of 9 miles a day. The next morning was very cold. Icicles were handing from the shed and in the dining room there was a large fire blazing, but the door was wide open. I made my first acquaintance with Mrs. Williams. She was a rosy, fresh looking woman, young enough to be the daughter instead of the wife of an old man. The scene at the breakfast table did not charm away my homesickness. I tried to eat and enjoy everything although shivering with the cold. The old man was very entertaining and among his queer speeches I remember one, "teacher," he says looking quizzically at her, "you see that young woman at the end of the table? Well, sir, this is my third wife." at which he laughed, and she blushed painfully and I felt quite out of place. All day at school I tried to devise some excuse that I might not return to Williams house to spend another night. I read a little in my "Draper's Physiology" and overlooked the plodding slow children with their simple lessons, and thought how near town was, and how gloomy and lonesome was that old farm house and prospect of more deer stories, and more wonderful account of the famous mineral spring, down in the ravine near the house. I don't remember whether or not I returned that night, but I pretty soon had to tell my kind-hearted "permiteeman" and host that I could no longer remain at his house. That my Grandmother was old and feeble and needed me there at night with her. The fact was that Mother Wood was quite well off without me, having brother Bob, and Mary and Lydia for company. For these long three months I walked to school, tracking it along the cross ties four and a half miles and by a short road through the pines to the school house. The loneliness was somewhat overcome but it seemed a hard experience. I could take very little interest at school in which every child was learning to read, and a prospect of only three months to teach them, some of them all they would ever get for a life time. I enjoyed my friends at home all the more for the separation from them by a few miles. When night came notwithstanding my 9 or 10 miles walk I was ready for church or class meeting and social meetings. My acquaintance with Mr. Bowen whom I have mentioned before, continued and improved. After my school term ended I was for the first time in my life the possessor of $100 and it was greatly needed.

1858 I was about to omit a chapter of my history, as I dare say, in this sketch written from memory, I have omitted many more. After my school keeping was over, I was employed by Mr. Eli W. hall, a lawyer who lived opposite to Dr. McRee's office, as his clerk. I accepted it at $25 a month and glad to do it. My work was very light, but I was confined to the office. So that being near to Dr. McRee's off I had the opportunity of going to the R.R. hospital occasionally with the Dr., and of attending the dissection the students sometimes performed. My clerkship limited my association with the other students, which was good for me, as I got more time to study and read. My taste for general reading was begun by reading the "eclectic Magazine" to which I subscribed. I got greatly interested in D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation (a vol. I advise you all to read as soon as you can understand it) and after reading it, I ventured for the first time to write a paper, giving my account of the Reformation through several numbers of the paper called the "Messenger." I was issued by a window lady maned Bumpass, the widow of a Methodist preacher. It pleased me not a little to see my name (Thomas Didymus was my fictitious name) in print, and my young friends thought it very interesting; but soon I learned that it was full of inaccuracies and that I had ventured too little prepared on a great subject.

I saw for the first time during my student day in 1858 the application of a surgical splint which afterwards came into universal use during the war. It was "Smith's Anterior Splint". The old splint used for fractured thigh was a simple long outside splint, confined the patient to his back for six months, almost always resulting bed sores and making the treatment a great ordeal form which the patient frequently succumbed. The introduction of the splint was note worthy.

Dr. McRee applied it after directions and illustration from the Maryland and Va. Medical Journal to Ned Glavin, an employee at the W & W R.R. The first form of the splint was of wood and made by the master carpenter of the road, John Wright. By means of the splint the patient could change his position quite freely in bed, something entirely new and very desirable. The case was fracture of the leg and not a test one, but the principle as here introduced was for the first time applied in North Carolina. It helped Confederate surgeons greatly in the War which followed.

My companions at Dr. McRee's office got to be so boisterous and troublesome to Mrs. McRee, and finding that their ways would not help a young professor of Christ, who had constantly to struggle, I asked permission of Dr. Thomas to be allowed to come under his preceptorship, to which he consented after he knew the particulars and that it would cause no offense to Dr. McRee; for between these two gentlemen there was some on the part of the latter some unkind rivalry to say the least.

My change was to my advantage in some respects. I had for my fellow students, Hugh Waddell Gardner, known familiarly as "Skip", and Henry G. Flanner, Gardner was a graduate of the University of N.C., a son of Mr. Junius D. Gardner. He was a pretty good student, was an old acquaintance and school mate was quiet in his manners and we became greatly attached to each other. He graduated in Baltimore in 1861, and went as a private in the Wilmington Light Infantry. In 1862 he went before the Army Board of Examiners in N.C. for commission, as Assistant Surgeon and was rejected, a most mortifying result, as well as a surprising one, for Gardner was well versed in medicine, having studied most industriously at the University of Va. (Without graduating). Three months afterwards he was invited before the Army Board at Richmond, and so good was his examination that he was commissioned a Surgeon. Poor fellow, after serving with an artillery company, until the "Seven Days Battle Around Richmond", he was taken sick with what was thought to be a simple epidemic jaundice and died with abscess of the liver discharging through his lungs. By unforeseen good fortune I was in Richmond at the time and was at his death bed. Henry G. Flanner, was not much of a student and did not attend recitations. He graduated at the University of N.Y. in 1861 and went into the army in 1861 as a private in the Wilmington Rifle Guards. He did not enter medical service of the Confederate states, but afterwards became an officer in artillery, and was promoted as captain of artillery at the Battle of Spotsylvania. He was afterwards in the drug business in the firm of Green and Flanner. He died of apoplexy in Wilmington in 1882 or 3.

As I advanced in the study of medicine I still read my own books, as text books were not in abundance in the doctor's offices of that day and the libraries were very meager. I was nearly disheartened that nearly all of the students went off to the lectures in 1859, and I was left alone although I had studied more industriously than some of them.

I had an opportunity to see a little of the world in 1858. I consented to go as escort to a Mrs. Humphrey to Mississippi. She was a relative of Mr. Jas. Shackeford, who was our neighbor at the time. Our route was by Augusta, Ga., West point, Montgomery by rail, then by steamer to Selma, then by rail to Union Town (or may be a few stations beyond) then by stage through Marion and Gainesville, Ala. To Scooba Miss., a station on the Mobile and Ohio R.R., then by that road to Macon, Miss, Mrs. H. was quite deaf but humorous. It was my first long journey and a great novelty to me. Some emigrants to Texas on the train with us from Wilmington to beyond Augusta, had a crying baby. The poor mother had no conveniences and was "worn out" besides annoying everybody. At last Mrs. H. says we must stop that child. I will call you "doctor" and must ask the mother if the child is sick, you really think it must be, and that you have something that you know will do it good. So arming with a proprietary medicine called "Jacob's Cordial", something like "soothing Syrup" and opiate disguised in pleasant syrup, I went and made my little speech to the poor woman. I looked as little as like a doctor as a beardless rather sickly looking boy of 18 could look, but she was glad of any attention and willingly gave the child a teaspoonful of the syrup. We did not hear form the baby any more until we parted company at Montgomery, the think the "through passengers" were as grateful to me as if I had been their own doctor. Mrs. H. was particularly pleased with her skill in managing me, and her favorite baby medicine at the same time. When we got to Montgomery I found that our N.C. money would not pass. We had state banks then; and so bad was the basis of the issue of bills that the bills of one state would not pass in another except at a discount. The reason for this was the banks were allowed to issue three dollars for one in securities, generally supposed to be gold. The truth was the banks exceed their legal issue, and were constantly devising plans to get their money as far away from home as possible. There was considerable small change in circulation, but gold was seldom seen, and to demand gold for bills at the counters of banks was angrily refused in most cases if it was for a high sum as $100. So in Ala. We had to go to the brokers and exchange bills to set out on our journey. The stage riding from to Scooba was a great novelty. Although Mrs. H. had six pieces of baggage, of course including tow or three square band boxes- and we had to transfer at every stage station, I kept them securely, but lost my own valise, containing many valuables, especially a nice Bible given to me by Mr. Bowen. There were nine of us in the stage when we set out for Gainesville, and the stage was heavily loaded with horse shoes and nails on top, and going down the hill crossing the Tombigbee River, I believer, the horses became unmanageable and we were upset in the margin of a swamp, smashing the rickety old stage very much but hurting no one but a lady school teacher, who seemed to be greatly soothed by the attentions of an old bachelor, a new acquaintance in the journey. At Scooba I met two Wilmington acquaintances Mr. Frank C. Singletary and a young man named McCaleb who lived there. This was a cotton station and for the first time I began to realize what an immense crop cotton was. The sides of the roads were piled with it and very long trains could be seen passing, all loaded with it. I stayed only a short time in Macon, and then determined to go back home by way of Mobile. My impression was that this was the best road that I had been on. It was superintended by L.J. Fleming who had once been superintendent of the Wil and Manchester (now W. Col. And Augusta) R.R. The surroundings of Mobile were much like those of Wilmington. A flat pine land with numerous creeks and swamps. The city itself was very much handsomer that W. and trade very flourishing. Mobile was at that time a considerable rival of New Orleans. I met in Mobile Dr. Findlay who had been a student of Dr. McRee. He was practicing at Whistler, a R.R. village near the city, and came down to meet me. He gave me an account of the yellow fever epidemic which had visited the city in the summer. I also met an old school mate, A. Simpson Thomson, an old school mate, who was a clerk for a Mr. Thurber, an old Wilmington man. I was strongly tempted to go over to New Orleans to hear a famous speech by Mr. Judah P. Benjamin on secession in French and English, but I was beginning to be homesick and took steamer for Montgomery. In those days there was a great rivalry between two lines of steam boats, and I heard that the fare got to be as low as a dollar including meals, the usual price being $10.00 The fare was very good and the trip very enjoyable. I met with a great many different sorts of people on these trip, and heard the new doctrine of secession talked very warmly. I was an ignorant listener, the rage not having reach quiet sober old North Carolina then.

It was the following summer that I went to Hunting Island. I got a message in the summer of 1859 I believe, to take my sisters Mary and Lydia and go to Hunting Island to our Father and Mother. My brother-in-law Mr. Vincent was to meet us in Charleston. Up to this time I had never been farther away form home that to Burgas, and the traveling was new to me. I had read enough in the U.S. Dispensatory, and Pareira's Materia Medica to awaken an interest in botany and I thought I would enjoy the trip all the more by making a note of the 11 new trees and shrubs I saw, and I recollect how disappointed I was as we whirled by the same white-aproned pines and coarse bracken and gall berry bushes and tangled smilax and coarse wire grass just as I had seen a plenty of at home. But the sensation was quite difference when we arrived at Charleston. It was the largest city I had ever seen, and the impression made upon me then I have ever since had about the grand old town. It was at its prime then, everything was flourishing. The cotton planters were having good crops, and wealth was increasing everywhere. King Street was my admiration with its throngs of people in the afternoon. I saw fine equipment, handsomely dressed people and a business hustle quite new to me. I could not conceive that a city could be grander than Charleston. We stopped at the old "Planters Hotel" kept by a Mr. Calder. It was not the hotel of the town by any means, as the Mill's House was just then opened, and it was driving a lively opposition with the Charleston Hotel. One thing that excited my earliest desire and that was that was to see the Charleston Medical College. I had been a medical student then for some months and began to feel quite interested about everything pertaining to the profession. I was satisfied by walking by Roper Hospital and the Medical Hospital quite near each other, and observing the crowd of student on the porch of the College. It was glory enough for me. This old College was then a very reputable school of learning, and had educated some of our best physicians, but the Northern colleges were beginning to draw away from it. Its professors were among the eminent men of learning in the country - Samuel H. Dickson, C.W. Shepard, Frost, Prioleau, Geddings and others I do not remember. As much as I enjoyed the pleasure which Uncle Nat had arranged for us, showing us the sights and giving us long omnibus rides, the sight of the old medical college with actual living medical students, pictured to my mind the day when I would also be student and I was happy. To complete our journey we had to take a small steamer from charleston, and take the inland route to St. Helenaville. The Captain of the steamer (Sassard) was an old Frenchman, quite a rare character. This little steamer was engaged in freighting and carrying passengers to the Sea Island Plantation below Charleston to Beaufort. Many were the large plantations we stopped with freight. The largest was the rice plantation of Gov. Aiken. The Negro village on this estate consisted of a double row of houses on each side of a broad street. The houses were nicely white washed and every thing had the appearance of cleanliness. I was told that there were 800 Negroes on this plantation. The peculiar "lingo" of the Negroes which attracted my attention, and even puzzled me, was first noticed at Charleston. So universal was this new language, that even the whites were not free from it. The Negroes, were, as a general thing, much inferior to the North Carolina Negroes - smaller in stature, blacker, less intelligent. The idea of a slave had never been so forcible presented to me as in the person of the undergrown, badly kept, jabbering people. The hand of the master seemed to be necessary to get any thing out of them that in other states would be considered unsatisfactory work. The chattering gangs of Negroes would appear at every landing under the direction of an overseer, as they called him, and made more commotion in the affair of moving a little freight to the wagons than one have noticed among twice as many Negroes father north. But economy of labor was not a solved problem of that region in those days. It was early in the summer that we made this journey but most of the plantations were deserted by the master, who had gone to the "main" either to Beaufort or Charleston for the summer, partly for fashion's sake and partly to avoid the "country fever" (a malignant form of bilious fever) which was not uncommon in some localities, at least to Negroes. One planter I knew who spent his summer in Italy. Hardly had the cotton sprouted before he was en route to Europe. For some hours (on the Edisto River) I think, we watched the great numbers of alligators. We reached the little summer village of St. Helenaville in the might. This was a group of planter's houses, the population consisting of kind people, for by inter marriage all were relations. We slept on the steamer and the next morning we went over to the plantation of Mr. Thomas A. Coffin known as "Coffin's Point". It was on St. Helena Island. We were very kindly looked after by Mr. Cockroftthe old, trusted overseer of the plantation, and the same day we took a small boat to Hunting Island, the northen of the three islands of that name. As well as I remember the Island was 8 miles long by one fourth to one mile wide. It was owned by Col. Ben Johnson and Mr. McKee, of Beaufort and was held by them as a hunting preserve. Only the friends of the owners were allowed to hunt there by invitation. The island was stocked with deer and the fishing was excellent. Wild Ducks were plentiful in the rain ponds, one "long pond" in the center of the island, the other "broad pond" in the southern end. Parties were made up in Beaufort and came down in a yacht, a scow bringing down the horses and the servants. The government had purchased a small part of the northern end of the island on which to build a light-house, and my father was employed to carry on the work. My father and mother with Kezzie and Alfred, then small children in dresses and sunbonnets, and Nat and my sister Agnes had gone down to the island early in the year, and were already settled in a rude frame house on the ocean side of the island. On the bayside, (St. Helena Bay) there were one or two little shanties, a hand grist mill and a boat landing. Near this point the light house was slowly rearing its circular walls. Most of the laborers were from Beaufort, of that inferior class known as Guinea Negroes. Small, black, lacking intelligence, cringing and so far below the ordinary North Carolina Negroes and jabbering constantly when together in an almost foreign tongue, they were a ceaseless cause of interest.

The slave code in these islands was very strictly carried out. The Negroes were allowed a bushel of corn a week. No meat, or vegetables or molasses, except that some masters gave them sweet potatoes and at Christmas molasses was given them and beef or some other meat. The corn was ground into hominy at a small hand mill which required two persons to work it, and hominy was the standard food, seldom was corn bread eaten. In order to give the Negroes a chance to supplement their food, a task was given to them, It was not a hard task for many of the smartest of the completed it by Thursday evening. After this they were at liberty to work in their own little farms set apart for their use. They were allowed to raise chickens but not turkeys. They were not allowed to raise hogs. The possession of a turkey or a hog by a Negro was evidence against him that he did not come by them honestly. They were very successful in raising chickens. They were sold to the whites at a very small sum 4 pence or six cents for spring chickens and 7 pence or 12 cents for full grown fowls. Smart Negroes had always a plenty and to spare, while the stupid or indolent ones were at work from Monday until Saturday night and were wretched objects. The women worked as well as the men and were punished alike. That is for disobedience or breaking any rules, or refusing to work they were reported by the driver (an under overseer who was responsible for a small gang of hands) to the overseer, and he ordered the punishment done by the driver. It was generally a lashing across the back with a leather lash. Mothers left their infants in a house especially prepared for that purpose, and while they were at work in the field, the children were cared for by the old women. Each child had a little iron pot in which his hominy was cooked and from which he ate his meals. The men were very enduring oarsmen. The richest persons went to church in large canoes with from 6 to 24 oarsmen, according to the wealth or taste of the planter. It was a very singular and rather an imposing sight to witness a handsome boat impelled by 24 oarsmen all singing their quaint monotonous songs in time with their music, the planter sitting under a canopy in the stern of the boat. It impressed the stranger, at least, with the idea of the wealth and importance of the planter, and was some test of social standing. The young men who came down to the island on fishing excursions by invitation of the proprietors each had his body servant who baited the hook and took off the fish for his gloved master. All of the sea-island young men were not so dependent. One family, at least, our neighbors at Morgan Island, the Fripps, were quite independent, and sent two of their young men to work on the light house as brick layers. They owned slaves, but singularly enough recognized their poverty - greater perhaps because of this ownership- but knew how to wait on themselves in boat sailing, fishing and whatever else they undertook.

I found some medical books awaiting me whin I got to the Island. My father had borrowed them from a doctor in Beaufort. I recollect there was, "Stewart on the Diseases of Children", "Dunglison's Dictionary" and "Williams Principles of Medicine" and one other book. I brought a work of anatomy with me. These books were entirely too far advanced for me, but I began systematically to read them, with a great deal of pride mixed with the idea of being an advanced medical student. The U.S. Coast Survey party had recently been at work there under the direction of Capt. ______ . They erected there a tripod, i.e. a three legged, pyramid shaped staging about 30ft. High near the north point of the island, giving a view of the bay and ocean. There was a comfortable platform at a considerable height, and I chose this spot as my study. It was at some distance for the house, and I was not disturbed by intruders. It was not all study that I did; it was after a while largely mixed with duck hunting and fishing. The island was famous for good duck shooting. Large flocks or birds fed in the rain pond on their journey southward. Long pond, the middle pond of the island was our favorite. It was a mile and a half long, and about a mile or two from our house. Nat went with me when he was not at work. He would station me at the nearest end of the pond which we reached about sunrise. Then before a gun was shot he would march to the further end of the island, giving himself a certain time to make the walk. It was really exciting. I could look at the bushes at my stand and see the teal and mallards, and other wild ducks having the nicest time, bathing, pluming, and feeding, and the drakes "quack-quack-quacking" every little while. It was all I could do to refrain from shooting before the time. At the signal I would break a twig and as the ducks would rise in great numbers, above the bushes at the margin, I would shoot barrels into them, and although a poor marksman, I was quite successful. The frightened birds would fly to the other end of the pond and just as they were settling to light, Nat would shoot into them. The next thing was to get our ducks, for some times the water was deep, and the weeds were tangling and the mud very soft. But more than that the alligators were bad and soon as they spied our game floating on the water they would pounce on the. The next thing was to plunge into the water, sometimes waist deep, secure our prizes. We usually carried home as many ducks as the family wanted. This many time gave variety to our food especially in bad weather, for at such seasons we were cut off from our base supplies at Beaufort, and had short rations. The sport was very good but we had not counted on one part associated with it - viz the fever which the exposure caused us. Nat and I were taken sick and then for three months we had chills and fevers. The nearest doctor was 30 miles off at Beaufort, although I believe at times that Dr. Marion Tripp might be found at St. Helenaville. We had no doctor though. My father had the forethought to have a small store of medicines, particularly of quinine. He had also calomel, ipecac, rhubarb and Diver's powder. Sometimes two or three of us would be down with the chills at once, and while every body was oppressed with the heat, we would make a little fire in the stove, make a pot of tea and drink it as hot as we could until the fever came on. The house we lived in was a mere shell. It had a central hall which was a dining room, company room, etc., and on the one side two rooms and the other another. My room was in the loft and could only be reached by means of a ladder. As soon as I could after the chill I would climb the ladder and go to my bed until the fever disappeared. If it got very high and I got delirious, there was no help for me, without some of the children climbed up to my relief. Of course quinine would be the resort the next day and for two or three day there after. My appetite would return voraciously, and the next thing was to have a hunt or a fish, then go to bed with another chill and so I went until we left the Island in October.

On one occasion I took a notion to walk to the other end of the island. I took a couple of bottles of waters and some food, thinking that I would at least walk as far as an old wreck on the beach. It proved so far that when I reached it, it seemed easy to continue my walk on the sea beach and come back on the Creek and bay side. The weather was exceedingly hot and attacks of fever had weakened me so that the walk was no easy one. My water gave out before I had reached the return path, but I comforted myself with the idea that I would get some at the spring near the house used as headquarters of the hunting parties - not knowing that was several miles off. I was alone and had never been on the road before, and many times I fancied myself lost. I got so fatigued and overheated that I thought surely I would have to give it up and await the arrival of help. But I reflected that if anyone came I would still have to use my legs and I would be no better off and I would be famished for water. After an expressly sever walk I reached the hunting house and rushed to the spring to find it nearly dry, and the little water there covered with a green slime. I tried to strain it and drink it, but it was too much for my parched tongue. There was nothing now left but to pluck up courage and strength and make my way home. I got there so entirely used up that I laid on the floor until I could get strength to tell my adventure. I learned that I had walked 18 miles altogether, not a very long tramp as some would think, but too much for me. I saw on the tramp in many places the fresh track of deer, although I saw none of the animals themselves. I saw quite a large grove of palmettos, young and old. The fawns had their hiding place beneath the young palmettoes, as their stout fronds as they bend down towards the ground avert the prey of eagles. The pines were very tall there, mostly long leaf (Pinus australi) I began here to study the shrubbery and trees, but no had no botany and had little elementary instruction, so the best I could do would be to make a rude drawing of the plants, and wait for an opportunity to ask some one versed in such matters.

We had a time of great anxiety during this summer owing to my father's severe sickness with dysentery. It was next to impossible to get a doctor, and as poor a dependence as it was they all looked to me to do some thing. I knew nothing of diseases having never read a line of "Medical Practice". But something must be done at once. So I betook me to "Dunglisons Medical Dictionary" and looked for the word dysentery. After reading the meaning of the word and a short description I did not get much foundation for treatment. But on the other list of medicines was confined to the few items I mentioned before. As the doctors, "By Exclusion" I discarded all but Dever's Power, selecting this because it had opium in it. So I turned to "Dum glison" and found the composition of the medicine and the dose. With this as a guide, with fear and trembling I commenced giving 5gr doses every 3 hours. Pretty soon the pains ceased and he became comfortable and in a few days he was well again. Of course my success was much praised and of course much over estimated but I believe they all knew my source of information. This incident reminds me of a most ludicrous one showing the danger of going to a dictionary for important instruction when a new work is to be undertaken. At the Negro minstrel, a woman who had just got a little "book larning" offers as a servant and gets employment. But having no knowledge of a mangle (a machine for ironing clothes) when she is ordered to mangle a dress she refers to her dictionary for the new word and found that mangle means "to tear to pieces", and so she proceeds to tear her mistresses dress to pieces. My case turned out better though, and brought me more practice. I was after called on to dose the many hands at work on the light house. On one occasion the vessel that was in the service of the lighthouse board came to the island with supplies. The crew was taken sick and at the request of Capt. Geo. Walker I dosed them too and won great praise from the Captain, particularly as I cured one fellow who had been feigning and from who he had not been able to get any work; but the truth was I gave to dose suggested by the Captain, and was so alarmed after I gave it, that it had the opposite effect from that attributes to it in the "Dictionary", I scarcely could contain myself. I was my first lesson in the action of ipecac as a purgative in large doses.

When Saturday came it was very lonesome. There was no church nearer than the village and we had no suitable boat. The day was spent in reading and I had quite a good supply of Sunday books. During all the months - six I believe- we were on the island we did not get to church, and saw no company on that day. We did have company occasionally from families of the neighboring islands. I recollect a visit Mr. John Tripp made us (from Morgan Island) bringing with him presents of mutton, potatoes, vegetables of various sorts, borne on the heads of several Negroes in large baskets used by them in cotton picking. It was the generous custom of the country to always carry gifts to the neighbors. This family lived on Morgan Island, Morgan River about 8 miles from us. Mr. Tripp owned the island on which his plantation was located. He was a most exemplary Baptist (This was the prevailing sect in the islands). He was very devout and carried his religion into all of the work of the day. Every Sunday morning the Negroes were summoned to his house and there in the largest and best room they were all seated with the family, and service was held. After singing and reading the scriptures Mr. Tripp offered prayer. He then read from a sermon book a short simple sermon, and the concluding prayer was by one of the old Negroes. I had never before seen such care taken with them, and I think the instance was very exceptional. The older Negroes seemed to be very devout and were trusted by their master. Mr. Tripp said that he was led to be so particular with his Negroes because of ht heathenish manner they conducted their own services when left to themselves. In the afternoon they had service after their own fashion in the gin house. During a visit there I attended these services. The afternoon service was most shocking for one unused to it. It consisted in a religious dance. The leader stood in the middle shouting out two lines of a hymn, and then the men and women all around him in a circle marched and sang a chorus, keeping time with the motions of their bodies and heads. As they got more excited- a warm up to the work- their motions and contortions became more excited and the sound was more likely the wailing of perdition, I remembered some of the songs for a long time but can now only recall a few fragments,

If you had a died when you been young, lean on the Lord side

You would not a had this race for to run, lean on the Lord side

Chorus: Lean on the Lord side, O, Sister Lizer

Lean on the Lord side, O, Sister Lizer

This chorus was continued through the names of all the men and women present substituting them for "Lizer". Another chorus was -

"John saw, John saw, John saw the holy angels sitting on the golden altar."

The music was of the most original and doleful sort and I believe some of it had been written by the delighted Northerners who captured these island in 1861.

Mr. Tripp, like all the planters about there grew for his principal crop, sea-island cotton. It was a very fine quality of cotton, bringing in the market 3 or 4 times as much per pound as upland or short staple cotton. For all this through most planters were in debt. In this case not for extravagance surely. It seemed that Mr. Tripp was so indulgent that he did not get full work form his slaves, and the rates of interest charged by the factories and the prices of supplies, made it impossible for him to balance his account except by giving a note for the deficit, and trust to the future for better crops or better prices or more slaves.

I believe though that Mr. Tripp never broke up his families by selling individuals and his stock seemed to be gradually decreasing. These islands were beautiful in many respects. The ground was gradually undulating, but little elevated from tide-water. The live oak trees and other oaks left for shade trees were very handsome. There were always a few elegant magnolia and sometimes groves of oranges. There were none of the latter left on Morgan Island. The families were very affectionate. The families parted for the night after family prayers and handshaking, and met again in the morning with the same custom. It was almost a universal custom. The food was generally varied and abundant, and the nicest manners prevailed at the table.

I enjoyed the first taste of taniers here. These are the tubers (?) from calladium esculentum, a plant now grown in our gardens as an ornament. I saw also there for the first time Bene plants. My visit to this plantation was very pleasant as we had good fishing and good sailing and rowing in the Morgan River.

There was an orange grove at "Dawtaw", I don't believe I spelled the name of the plantation correctly) and the proprietor had taken pains to protect the trees so that he had good success in raising good oranges. But the crop was very unreliable because of the severe cold which some winters prevailed in this section.

The plantation at coffin's Point was owned by Mr. Thomas A. Coffin but he was seldom there, as I have said before he spent his summers in Europe. The overseer Mr. Cockcroft was a thrifty old man full of benevolence uneducated but in strong contrast to the proprietor quite frugal and self denying. The privileges of the plantation afforded him an ample living for his family consisting of his wife and three nieces. He was quite aware of the value of money and found no difficulty of computing interest (intrust as he called it). Many of the farmers arts not known further north. Among other things they prepared their own arrow root starch from plants raised there. The process of making it was very simple. The roots were grated under water on an ordinary potato grater and the starchy matter separating and falling to the bottom was recovered, dried and put away for the future use. Mr. Cockcroft was a zealous Baptist and although an inveterate tobacco chewer always went through the service without indulging which was a great virtue. I never saw kinder people. Knowing our situation they always anticipated our wants, and supplied us with food that could not have been bought with money.

I went to Hunting Island expecting to spend the summer but yellow fever broke out in Charleston and we were quarantined on the island. We returned to Wilmington - my mother, sisters, brother Alfred and myself. I found that my fellow students had all left for lectures, but my circumstances had not improved and I must study more and wait.

My Visit to Dr. Love at Hallsville 1859 Dr. Wm. J. Love, now a successful practitioner of medicine in Wilmington was a senior student when I began medicine, and always had a great deal of patience with me. He studied hard and like me he had slender means to complete his education. After completing his first course of lectures in New York he began practicing in Hallsville, a little village in Duplin, 8 miles from Kenansville. In time of slavery this was a flourishing place. Turpentine was made largely and shipped down Limestone Creek to Wilmington. The farmers were pretty comfortable then in their worldly respects. Dr. Love had the whole field to himself, having succeeded Dr. Whitehead (deceased) and I believe mad enough to clear his indebtedness and pay his way next year at the Charleston Medical College. I am quite unsure that his education at the University of N.C. and during his medical career was paid for by his own labor. Dr. L. invited me to be his guest, and I accepted. He had an office near his boarding place and although quite plain in its appearance, it showed signs of business. I knew next to nothing about the practice of medicine and L. took me about with him, two of us riding in a one seated sulky. At one time we went to see a patient near the Onslow Co. line. The patient lived in a miserable log hut and everything there was miserable. He or she had typhoid fever and needed fresh air and sunlight and delicacies, but all the opposite of these. It was the doctor's greatest difficulty how to have his patients nursed during his absences. I saw some wheat bread made after the doctor's direction for light bread. It was like glue and worse than the army biscuit we afterwards had such a prolonged experience with. The family was too ignorant to carry out instructions and it is highly probable that it was ignorance of the usual precautions of the disposal of the refuse that engendered the fever. The case was fatal, but not for lack of knowledge of the course of treatment by the doctor. I found that this was a very usual example of the difficulties of country practice. That while the doctor by reason of his necessarily few visits to such cases, should have had the steady assistance of a good nurse, in this he almost always failed, and it was hoping against reasonable convictions that medicine would cure a patient whose nursing was nearly as harmful as it would be. I doubt if the beneficial influences of hygienic teaching have made headway to this day into that part of Onslow, but the practice of medicine is almost useless with out it.

One little incident I ought to mention to show the zeal of my friend Love, in the pursuit of knowledge. In our journey we found a few plants of Pipsiseirra (Chimaphila umbellata) and we applied what little of botany we knew to identify it but failed. We had been reading aloud to each other the addresses of Prof. Geo. B. Wood on the original study of remedies etc. Love did not life to give up the plant with out knowing more about it, so he agreed he would let me try on him the experimental administration. We recognized the umbellate flowers and knowing that generally the Umbelli ferae were either poisonous or suspicious we thought we were taking some risk. At any rate we carefully prepared a concoction of the plant, and gave it at stated intervals marking the effects and after patiently enduring it many hours, we concluded the plant was inert, and indeed it was as we not long after discovered it to be Pipsissera.

Your mama was a little girl living or staying with her Aunt Isabella Hall at the time, but I didn't know her then.

An Incident When I was About 18 Years During the time when I was a clerk with Eli W. hall I was sent to Clinton by way of Magnolia, to complete a deed. I had never been away from home much, and was very shy. I hired a horse and buggy from Mr. Monk and was driven over by a Negro boy. I had an opportunity of seeing the largest huckleberry swamps in Duplin and Sampson, and that the season the women were out in force, barefooted with their skirts tied up with a rope about their middle, picking the abundant fruit. I had to go by the house of a Mr. Izell, and then over to Mr. Almond McKay (afterwards Col. The Judge). After getting my business arranged I came back and had to stay all night at Mr. Monk's in Magnolia. When bedtime came I was shown to my room which was an attic with tow or three beds. The men occupying the room with me were clerks of the shops in the town and were loud talking and profane fellows. I did not speak to them and they seemed not disposed to speak. But I had a sharp struggle going on within me about kneeling down to pray at my bedside with these people all staring at me as I imagined. At last I summoned the courage and got to my knees. I fear that my prayer was not said with that fervor and solemnity and thought that was necessary but was accomplished. I cite this to show how young Christians have to struggle about small matters, and urge upon my children to strive even in the smallest.

Return From Hunting island November 1859 For a part of 1860 I was again clerk for Mr. Eli W. Hall. The same year found me as bad off as before and I agreed to take a situation in a new prescription drug store just started by Louis B. Erambert. The conditions were that I was to keep store during his absence, and employ my time in study to suit myself otherwise. He also bought me quite a good outfit of apparatus to pursue the study of chemistry. It was a great disappointment to have to give up lectures again but I soon got interested in my close attention in pharmacy and chemistry and I believe now it was affecting benefit to me in many ways and I would advise any medical student to pursue the same course. My first contribution to a medical journal was while engaged at the drug store. Oxide of silver was in much repute as a remedy, and several time it had been observed that spontaneous combustion or explosion took place. The druggists did not know why, some attributing it to the honey used, and some claiming to remedy it by the use of ext. gentian. I undertook the study and contributed the results to the N.C. Medical journal, the edited by Dr. Edward Warren at Edenton. My point was this, that oxide of silver precipitate by a fixed alkali like soda or lime was not. I used to think that this was an original discovery, but I saw it in Pareira's Therapeutics and Mat. Mad. Of a date prior to 1859, so I must have obtained it there. At any rate I found it to be new or rather that it was a piece of forgotten information quite applicable to a wide spread inquiry. This was my first contribution (signed medical Student) and I was greatly delighted when I saw my work actually in print in a Medical Journal. I must confess though that I kept the secret of my authorship to myself many years afterwards.

I liked my work in the Drug Store, and spent most of my time in reading and informing myself about the qualities of drugs. A sad disaster to Mr. Erambert brought upon me the full work of the establishment. It seems that a number of Chapel Hill students collected in the store on Saturday night after I had started home. The young men were in various degrees of intoxication. Mr. Erambert was at the dispensing scales cleaning his pistol. Some words ensued between a young man named "Pink" Shelly and he fired shooting Jack Costin in the fleshy part of his buttock. Mr. E. by this time had his pistol loaded. He went to the front door, pistol in hand, and he and Shelly must have shot at the same time, and Mr. E. fell to the pavement with his thigh broken. I heard firing and returned to the store and found matters in great disorder. The wounded were carried home, Mr. E. to be confined for six months. This left me in the possession of the business, and as I had no experience as a drug merchant, and as Mr. E. was too sick to talk business, I was in trouble. I had to go to the store after breakfast and stay until 9 o'clock at night, closely confined.

April 1861 In the mean time the loud talk of war had culminated in the secession of South Carolina and the firing of the S.C. militia on Ft. Sumpter. The excitement was great in Wilmington. North Carolina had not seceded, and was in no hurry to take the step. Town meetings were held to discuss the questions. Dr. James H. Dickinson made a very warm speech in favor of the union, and advised the people to be not hasty in following S.C. That during the War of the Revolution our friends were the Virginians and Marylanders, and that we had better wait. If Va. Seceded we had no choice by reason of our geographical condition, but until then nothing as rash as secession should be attempted. Dr. Dickson was an elderly physician of great reputation as a practitioner, and of a rapidly growing reputation as a belles lettres scholar. He had made several addresses beginning with one at the University about '55, and afterwards one before the public in the interests of the Wilmington Library Association. His subject was "A Few Remarks on the Books and Libraries." It was well received by a very large audience in the Theater. He was president of the Wilmington Library Association and indeed with the assistance of Mr. George Davis had collected the funds to establish it, and Dr. D. personally selected the volumes with good judgement in New York. The two gentleman had the foresight to secure the location of the library rooms in the new town hall building before its erection. Dr. Dickinson was a very studious man. When not interrupted he read absorbingly in the intervals of his visits. When physicians abandoned the keeping of medicines in their offices as he got more time and begun the collection of a professional library. At the time, about '59 there was no decent medical library in town. I saw for the first time in this collection books beyond the ordinary most used text books. "Bennett's Practice", "Bowman's Cyc. Of Anatomy" and a few others. I don't think altogether there 100 new books. The doctor had a few students in his office - Love, Robbins, Nixon, Ennett and Shepard. He didn't give them much attention and seldom exchanged anything more than a few words. There was no drilling or special directions made to the students. The presence of students attracted others, and to his great disgust sometimes a crowd would gather in his office. His austere look generally sufficed to clear out the office. I recollect I was in on one occasion, when the doctor took the opportunity to ask some questions in anatomy, using the anatomical picture hanging on the walls to question from. Several wrong answers were made, and finally he asked Mr. Nixon pointing to the gullet - "What is this sir?" N. replied very promptly, "that's the esophagus" where as the doctor grunted and went off, pulling down his vest with a gesture of annoyance. On another occasion Aleck Ashe was reading anatomy out of the one book they could get Horner's Anatomy with Atlas with Wm. Love. Dr. D. came and questioned Love, "Mr. Love, what would you do if you had a patient with dislocation of the axis?" (The second cervical vertebra) he described minutely and accurately how he would proceed, as it was a question in anatomy not in surgery, for surgically there would be nothing to do. When Love had finished he turned to Ashe, "Mr. Ashe what would you do if you had a case of dislocation of the atlas?" (The first cervical vertebra). He promptly replied with a burst of laughter at his own fun, "I would run as hard as I could for old Lawton." (Lawton was an old English undertaker) For the first time the boys got a laugh out of the old doctor, and the anecdote was told by Ashe with many embellishments afterwards. Dr. Dickson was a very consistent member of, and an elder in the presbyterian Church. In his latter years he was noted for his great punctuality at church notwithstanding he did the largest practice in town. He was universally relied upon as a citizen and a physician. His counsel was sought upon the most varied topics. He was a strong Whig and adhered to this party friends "through thick and thin," and many are the instances I have heard of his helping hand to struggling young men in the community. In the sick room he was quiet, non-committal, reserved and cold until he was warmed up by cases of interest either professionally or those which drew out his sympathy by reasons of the distressing circumstances of his patient. Surely he was the man who placed the proper estimate upon the seriousness of his patient. He did all he did with earnestness and devotion to duty, and Christian example remains to this day as a precious legacy.

1861 But to return to the Secession Meeting - Mr. O.P. Mereres afterwards Lt. Col, then Capt, then Judge. He was a violent secessionism and though that the state ought to seceded at once. The house seemed about equally divided, applauding his, and Dr. Dickinson's speeches quite roundly. After Mr. George Davis returned from Washington from the "peace conference" with his full account of the utter failure to get an agreement, it was evident that war must come pretty soon. Never-the-less many good citizens sincerely desired and hoped to secure the Union. I was a secessionist. It seemed to me that the North would not let slavery alone until we had a wart, and the sooner begun, the better. My father was a firm Unionist, and spoke his mind so freely that I only talked secession among my friends away from home.

Mr. Erambert was a secessionist and his store was headquarters for the news. He was a Lt. In the Light Infantry Company, and prided himself on his knowledge of tactics, and studied very attentively a book on action. The young men wore secession rosettes made of small pine "burrs". There was a company of about 25 known as "Cape Fear Minute Men" in imitation of a like organization in the Revolutionary War. They were fire eaters of a sort offensive even in a town where now it was not safe to talk against secession, form when Lincoln's call for 75,00 men was sent out, nearly the entire community went over to the secession party. Dr. T.B. Carr, a New Yorker, a dentist, very unpopular, at the time of the trouble was carrying on a dairy farm, and was accused with some ugly transaction in connection with that business. He was an "officious 'Minute Man'" and wore the blue ribbon on his coat, a blue badge, C.F.M.M. My father seeing this one day accosted Dr. Carr, "Hello, Dr. what does all this mean?" pointing to his badge. "Why don't you know", answered the doctor with importance, "that is Cape Fear Minute Men", "O", replied my father, "I thought it was Cape Fear Milk Man."

Nearly every Northerner was suspected of not being truly Southern without he enlisted in some sort of a military company. True this opinion did not extend to all classes, but it was especially common among the ignorant and of necessity the prejudiced ones. My father although over 45 years joined a company of mounted horse guards, for home defense under Capt. W.C. Howard. Shortly after this and before this company had organized duly, he was taken with Sciatica - a most painful disease of the muscles and nerves of the fleshy part of the thigh. I remember how he suffered and how intolerant his stomach was to laudanum and morphine. He had a hard time of it, but finally recovered. During his confinement, an elderly man, a carpenter by the name of Rose, a C.F.M.M and fire eater, spread the report that my father was not a true southerner and his sickness was feigned. It did not damage his reputation however for he had friends among many people higher in the social scale than Mr. Rose, who knew very well that he would do his duty in whatever cause he undertook. Although he saw the revolutionary going on with pain and gloomy foreboding for the future from first to last he gave all of his energies to the southern cause. None had the principle of defense to the bitter and more deeply ingrained than he.

I met with a terrible accident to my eyes during my stay at Mr. Erambert's. I had a call for Granville's Lotion in haste. It was to be made with strong ammonia. This chemical is bottled cold and labeled with a caution that it must not be opened until it has been cooled to a certain temperature. The old Negro women hurried me so saying, "Marse John was mighty bad off," that I disregarded the precaution given and as I knocked off the putty form the glass stopper the caustic gas escaped in my face, and I went one way and the old woman the other. I was fearfully strangled and blinded and rushed to the door into the middle of the street, throwing up my arms in the agony of suffocation and then darted for the Carolina Hotel which was next door. I remember seeing old Mr. Wm. Bettencourt in the front part, but seeing me his timidity pictured in me a crazy man, and he got out of my way. Only one man had the sense to help me. He led me to the back part of the Hotel to a bucket of water. I ducked my head in the bucket and opened my eyes freely to wash out all the hartshorn, and was taken home. This accident gave me bad inflamation of the eyes with which I suffered for several weeks, passing most of the time in a dark room, where only a little taper floating in oil kept burning day and night furnished the light I could stand. It was very lonely confinement, but Ma and my sister Agnes nursed me faithfully. I can remember (1861) how difficult it was for me to walk when I first got up. I was very weak, owing to the "lowering treatment" and confinement in the dark room. My eyes were not damaged by the accident materially.

Every thing kept for sale in the drug store (and in fact all kind of shopkeepers merchandise) became at once very valuable. The south had no foreign trade, and all drugs came from the North. I made a grand mistake for Mr. E. about this time. He was wounded and could give me no advice and I found that his stock was running quite low. I made up an invoice largely in excess of anything he was in the habit of ordering. I recollect that when he saw the bill he looked frightened. One of the items was a gross of chamois skins, which seemed to be big elephants. It was discovered at an early date that chamois was in demand for sword covers, and that in fact everything found a ready sale. What would have been a blunder was a fortunate adventure - for as the intercourse was quickly suspended with the north everything in the drug store was in demand. It was not long before merchants, especially Jews were ransacking the country to pick up anything they could find, to hold for higher prices. An editor of one of the papers said that they would bottle up the air to hold for a price if they could.

During the excitement I joined a Military Company of young men, the average was twenty and a half for the whole company. It was called the Wilmington Rifle Guards, and was commanded by Capt. O.P. Meares. I had no time to drill although I kept up my membership. North Carolina seceded 20^th May 1861 and troops were ordered to Fort Caswell, and when the 18^th Regt. Was organized under the Colonelcy of Radcliffe (Jas. S.), Capt. Meares was made Lt. Col. And the regiment was ordered to encamp on Confederate Pt. (changed from Federal). The companies were Lt. Infantry, Capt. Henry Savage, Wilmington Rifle Guards, Capt. Robt. Williams, Wilmington Scotch Boys, Capt. Malloy, Laurinburg, German Volunteers, Capt. Cornehlson, Wilmington, 2 Companies, by Capt. Geo. And Capt. Robt. Tate, Bladen, Capt. Norments Co. Robeson Co., Capt. Gore's Company, Whiteville, Capt. Hawes Co., Long Creek.

The promotion of Capt. Geo. Tate to the Majority, made Capt. Purdy Commander of K. I did not enlist for some months because of the confinement of Mr. E. and so had six or seven months of hard and confining work in the drug store. I remember on one occasion that the crowd came into the drug store after night to talk over the news. The news was that the "Harriett Lane" a little Revenue Cutter had been sent to reinforce Fort Caswell. The crowd was greatly stirred. I was in the act of putting a cork in a poor green glass bottle and twisted the neck off, cutting my middle finger through the nail which has left the scar to this day. The "Harriett Lane" did not come, and Fort was surrendered by Serjt. Riley by some volunteers. Riley afterwards became a Major of Artillery in the Confederate Army.

1861 Wilmington stood in a peculiar relation to the rest of the state. Charleston our near neighbor had opened the was, and it was evident that we had to follow. The state was trying to adhere to the Union. The town saw the necessity, and borrowed $100,000 from the banks to put defenses in order and buy supplies for the troops already mustered at the mouth of the river. Repeated applications to the Governor were not heeded, and one of the "Military Committee" appointed to aid Gov. Ellis who was then rapidly declining with consumption. Warren Winslow, replied that "the Wilmington people must not become panic stricken."

Owing to Mr. Erambert's wound, I was confined to the store with out exercise in the open air, until I was very thin and poor, and had a bad attack of dyspepsia. I did not join my regiment until Sept. 1862. My friend were expecting me, but I was not legally a soldier until I had been mustered in. There was a Jew by the name of Mason Loeb who was trying to get out of the company so that he might go into some money making enterprise. He proposed that if I be enrolled on a certain day that our Capt. Would be willing to sign his release, and in that event I would have his pay which had accumulated since April about $66.00. This I agreed to, and the boys were very much amused at the transaction, calling me a Jew's substitute.

My Company 1 was a company of the battalion formed by it and the Scotch Boys.

Fort Fisher We were encamped near Craig's on Federal Point which you will see on my map. From this camp we marched out every morning to practice with the heavy guns at Fort Fisher, about half a mile or more away. At that time they were just building the casement guns, those we exercised upon were old Columbia en barbette. Ammunition was very scarce, and ordinance officers were not numerous, for in fact we were all learning. The exercise was pretty severe for me, and for many days I was so much overworked that I twitched at night. The food we had though varied was not suited to my dyspeptic condition at first; but after a while I found that I had an appetite for anything, and took part with the boys in everything. Our camp life was more like a big holiday excursion. We were under lax discipline. We had to answer roll call a reveille (about day break) but after this we went most every where except the few who were detailed for camp guard. This guard was not at all strict, and many times the sentinel spent most of his time playing drafts with any one who might come along. Sometimes we would fall in at reveille with our fishing lines in hand, half dressed and as soon as we broke ranks would dash across the sand dunes for the sea beach and fish for drums and whiting until breakfast time. The company was composed of young men, all old acquaintances with the exception of a few from Duplin co. and so that all sorts of frolics usual to school boys were indulged in. We shot marbles, danced, played ball, played cards, chess, backgammon, drafts, etc.

Singular to say though it did not fall to my lot to drill in the manual of arms all this time, but the rest of the company were well drilled. All sorts of practical jokes were played on one another of course. I had no choice of the selection of my tent-mates. There was only one vacancy, each tenet holding six. In my tent was Mr. Jack Mallard (now a harness dealer, then the oldest man in the company), Jo. N. Bowden (a conductor on the R.R.), Jo. L. Jacobs (an old school-mate and cousin of Bowden's), Phil Carpenter (son of Mr. C., Supt. Of the W.C.R.R. and brother of Joicey), Jeff smith (a R.R. locomotive engineer) and myself. Many of the tents had written over them some motto or device lie, "Bogue Pt. Braves", etc. but I adopted for ours, "Les Elites." Our mess was a lazy one, if not the laziest, and when the French pronunciation was given to it (lezaleet) it was accepted as a very well selected emblem.

I Make Biscuits At least my time came to cook. I was left in charge of the raw material as the boys went off to the guns at the Fort. The main feature of the meal was biscuits, and I considered myself perfectly competent for the task. I put in all the ingredients, flour, salt, and little soda and water and kneaded it all together with a good will. But the dough was tough and crumbly and was hard to work, but I kept on persevering, and finally it came to the point of rolling out the biscuits. I tried in vain, for the pieces would not adhere to each other. I discovered that I had put in too little water, and tried to add to it, but it wouldn't mix. My time was growing short and soon the hungry boys would be back ready for their breakfast. After a fashion I made some rather crumbly looking biscuits, put them into the iron oven, built a good fire underneath and on top, and left them to struggle on with another batch of dough. After laboring for some time, for it was labor, I attempted to work in some water and made up another batch, and thinking the first lot about done, I took off the iron top with a stick and lo, there came a big puff of smoke, a smell of burnt bread and my poor biscuits were burnt to a coal. What could I do, for the hungry boys were in sight, and my bread ruined. Fortunately for me, a good natured darky, the cook of another mess came to my relief, and in a very short time had some hot biscuits on the table. The boys were willing to let me try at some thing else than cooking after this.

A practical joke was played on one of our men Bridgers. He was rather a stupid, gullible fellow, with a plenty of self conceit. One morning just after reveille one of the men beckoned to Bridgers to come and bring his gun, that there were some ducks swimming in the edge of the river among the rushes. He chopped up a bullet in lieu of shot. Bridgers was very much excited by the sight of the ducks for there was a good flock of them, large and fat, busily feeding and quacking and enjoying themselves. The water was pretty cold, but as our friend got more and more excited he waded in to get close on his game, and fire at close range, and brought down four fat English ducks. Great was his triumph when he came into camp wet and muddy from his wade, but fairly gleaming at his good shooting and the toothsomeness of the game. The boys smiled a smile of satisfaction, and something more. Bridgers's mess had a feast of fat ducks and hid in their friends to enjoy them. The next day, Mr. Henry Howard who lived near the camp came with a complaint to the Capt. of the Company, that some one had stolen his ducks and the proof was that he found the feathers. A search showed that the feathers were from Bridgers' "wild ducks." He acknowledged the shooting, and asserted with great vehemence that they were wild and he had a right to shoot them. The whole manner of Bridgers amused the boys very much, and as it was pretty generally known that he had been "taken in" by one of the company. Howard demanded a dollar a piece for his ducks and the Capt. required him, Bridgers, to pay it. And then the shout that went up in the camp at the expense of the luckless Nimrod. This is but one of the many examples of the practical jokes perpetuated by the "boys." They were sometimes cruel as the following will show.

We had a Colonel who had been a pedagogue, but had also had good training as a soldier at the Citadel College in Charleston. He was some what of a peacock, and assumed airs of importance which were not very well disguised. He was very fond of having the "long roll" beaten (this was the alarm for rapid assembly of troops in time of danger) and always for false alarms. The boys said the Colonel was generally under the excitement of liquor (but this I don't know) when he summoned the regiment, by the long roll. He rode a small black horse, a prancing, glossy inferior animal, and a "wind-sucker", making a sort of display a militia general would in parade. This night they stretched a rope across the street of the "Staff" just about high enough to catch the Col. Under the chin when mounted. He came tearing through to the parade ground to be in his place at long roll, when the line caught him under the chin, and threw him off his horse. It was a wonder it didn't break his neck. The perpetrators were never discovered.

Sunday in camp was inspection day. The Col. And his staff would go around with the Capt. and examine every tent and knapsack and everything about the camp, after examining the guns of the men. So that Sunday was a busier day then any other. Sometimes we had preaching by our Chaplin a Rev. Colin Shaw (living at this date 1886) but there seemed to be little attraction to him. In our mess Mr. Mallard was a singer. He had a little fine tenor, but could read music, and he taught us some thing about it, and we used to spend many hours in this innocent way. But camp life was ruinous to religion, especially to those feeble Christians who had made but little advancement in the divine life. In the early years of the war it was worse than ever after that. I had more harm done to me in those few months than I would have believed.

Mu Uncle John Coffin Wood was at Fort Fisher during my stay there, building casement of palmetto logs. He was a fierce secessionist in his language and by his actions did all he could to aid the Confederacy. He was a naturalist almost by instinct, and made a good collection of sea-mosses while off duty, form the water of New Inlet (now closed 1886). The laborers were principally Negro slaves, sent from all parts of the country. The work was immense for the difficulties were great, but for nearly three years they worked on unmolested at the Fort. It was mostly of sand turfed over with grass sod, (coarse salt grasses mostly) to prevent the winds form demolishing them. At this writing the whole of the immense forts are leveled just by the action of the wind. Dr. Haigh and I visited them in 1880, and found them nearly demolished. Our regiment was ordered form Fort Fisher to Coosawhatchie, S.C., in Nov. or Dec. 1861 and at that time there was not a gun mounted in the casements at the Fort, and we left no one to take our places, except Capt. Purdy's Company for a short time.

Among the friends I made after the war broke out was a young man Pierre Agostini, from Morsilio, Corscia. He was the brother of an old adopted citizen F.M. Agostini, also a fruit dealer. I had great desire to speak French well. Agostini had a shop just across from the drug store, and as I was fond of candy and anxious to learn French, I saw a great deal of him. He had been in the French Army, and was a drilled man, and showed on many occasions his skill in this way. I was too poorly from long confinement to enter into his gymnastic feats, but I picked up every work of French. Dr. John DeRosset was about at the time, and he spoke French and German with grammatical accuracy and fluency. There was also a young Mississippian named Saunders just back from Paris, who also talked French. French was all the go with southern people, and we at an early period of the struggle hoped to get the same sympathy for us from them (as they showed in the Revolution for the whole country). I know now Agostini's friendship was no advantage to me except for the little French I got, for I found myself unconsciously losing my hold upon the sanctity of Sunday, and looking with favorable eye upon the pleasant way religious people in France were able to spend their Sundays. This French idea of Sunday was in accord with the growing looseness of Sunday observances which pervaded the whole country soon after war was declared, and for some months before war broke out. As soon as the earliest commissions were issued and the grey uniforms settled upon, the churches were dotted with officers with their new uniforms. Some of the officers from civil life, especially paraded their uniforms on all occasions, and followed inflexibility the army rules of turning Sunday in camp into the busiest of all days. This neglect of Sunday I think from the date of this writing (Nov. 1886) did young men more harm than anything that I know of, surely it was so in my case. Drinking liquor was not a wide spread evil in our camps, the officers were more at fault than the men in this. I am sure now that the failure to respect Sunday as the Lord's Day, as Sabbath is a most fearful risk to the soul of any person. It lets Satan into the heart in a way than nothing else can, it seems to me. It dulls the sensitive conscience, and tempts us to make light of sins which we have shunned. Satan enables us to make a great many excuses for violating this day made holy by the resurrection of our blessed Savior, and when Monday comes we are not refreshed in spirit but go about our duties with a lowered moral tone. I am not surer of any thing that I know than this.

End of First Book.

Wilmington, North Carolina.

May 11, 1886

SECOND BOOK

Oct.- Nov. 1861 As a member, a Private, of the 18^th Regt. N.C. Troops, I go to Coosawhatchie in S.C. The breaking up of camp on Federal (then Confederate) Point was a great undertaking. The amount of "plunder" accumulated was very great, and the men did not know how far their rights of transportation extended. Every campstool, pot, bottle, table, etc, was indispensable to its owner, and all means were devised to keep possessions. Large bundles of things were wrapped up in tents to get them transported. We were carried by steamer to Wilmington and were treated as veterans by the people at home. The cause of our removal to Charleston was the attack by the Federals on Port Royal - Beaufort, S.C. and Charleston was thus threatened by the back door, as it were. It was a large regiment and made quite a good show in Charleston. The regiment was divided and breakfasted at the Hotels, and then marched to the American Hotel, which was emptied and the Regiment put in quarters there. In the excitement and lack of organization of Commissary Departments no food was prepared for the Regiment but strict orders were given that no one should be allowed to leave the Hotel. The officers enjoyed the privilege of course, but the private was not so fortunate. As officers and privates in our regiment were school-mates and friends, all from the same walk in life, the distinction was very galling to the men, and they at once set about to devise ways to get at large, and get some food. One or two of my comrades suggested that we should try an untried way of escape. We mounted to the roof and made our way across the roofs of the adjoining housed until we came to a cupola. We had no idea where we were or whose house it was, but we made some noise at the windows, when a very polite old Negro servant cane, and we told him very frankly what we were doing there, and asked to get permission to go down through the house to the street. He at once asked us down and seemed to enter into the fun with us. We were soon at liberty and on the street (three of us) and were laughing and enjoying the adventure. We had not gone far before we met the Major (Geo. Tate, now seedsman in Norfolk, Va.) of the Regiment. He very considerably turned his head away and so as not to see us, and we made our way to a restaurant for breakfast.

In Charleston Dec. 1861 The next day we were moved to James Island and put into bivouac, in order to keep the Regt. Together. The Ashley R. was now between us and Charleston, but the inconveniences of camp were still greater. The connection between the city and our camp was a ferry boat. At the time, Cousin Henry S. Haines was superintendent of the Charleston and Savannah R.R. and was busied making preparations to transport us to Coosawatchie. We had become very much strained fro something to eat, and a party of us determined to try to get to the city. I found Cousin Henry busy at his work on our side of the river. I told him what I wanted to do and he playfully remarked, " I told your Col. That I would let none of you boys go over with out a pass." I promptly replied, "Well, if that is all." and at the same time put my fingers in my vest pocket. But he did not wait to see the pass (which I really did not have) but blew a whistle for his men to pull us across in his boat. We soon found our way to breakfast and stayed until after dinner. We went to the Charleston Hotel to see our Sergt. Major T.W. Brown (afterwards Capt. in the Regt. But poor fellow a constitutional - well not a warrior, after the war a newspaper man in N.Y., then an Episcopal minister, now hopelessly insane at the Asylum at Raleigh). His uniform was of that gaudy pattern which did not survive the first year of the war among the troops in the field. As we were coming down stairs and about to enter the office of the Hotel, we spied our little Col. Strutting like a turkey cock, and evidently full to the brim of a good dinner. We were truants and thought that he was aware of it, but we made bold and gave a salute, and I believe he showed his friendship by shaking hands with us enjoining us to be at camp by sunset as the regiment would leave that night. Delighted with our "escape" we went to camp and found that hundreds had deserted camp as we had, and were straggling in, in groups, recounting with more or less merriment the adventures of the day. The boys had all evidently enjoyed Charleston.

1861 - We Go to Coosawhatchie The regiment was transferred to Coosawatchie a station on the Charleston and Savannah R.R. on flat cars. We went into camp permanently at or near the plantation of Mr. Huguinin, a very wealthy planter, on the Coosaw River about 6 miles from the R.R. From the reports, we expected to form in line of battle as soon as we got off the cars, but such rumors were then very common and we paid little heed to them.

The camp selected was a low flat land near the Coosaw River, and none of the precautions which would now be considered necessary for health were attended to. We had an abundance of beef of a poor sort, and we were furnished with lard and flour and a plenty of plain food, but the beef was so uninviting and our knowledge of cooking so primitive, that much of it was wasted, thrown-out to decay near the camp. We were visited quite often by the Negroes of the adjoining plantations who came with "nuttin but de dry tatter so Merser" as they replied to us. But we did get something better than dry potatoes. There was one man an overseer and a confidential servant of Mr. Higuinin who offered us a good and varied bill of fare. He had rather a mysterious air about him, half confidential and self, important, at the same time a desire not to let his offers be known to but few of the "gentle men" in camp. "What can you give us for supper on such and such a night?", "Let's see, I can give you roast pig and sweet potatoes and rice." "What else?" "I don't know, sir." "Can you give us 'possum?" And so on through a considerable list, until it got so large we would have to reduce the bill. But soldiers in camp were not to be satisfied with a dinner with out something to drink, and after a confidential chat they always managed to get something form the overseer must have robbed his master's wine-cellar for.

The Battle of Coosaw River An exciting and (now) amusing incident occurred while in this camp. Out Colonel did not know that there were any other Confederate troops on the Coosaw and conceived the idea that he would make some discoveries about his surroundings. He procured a yawl boat form a steamer that had been run up the river near our camp for safe keeping from the enemy. He took with him Louis Howard, Ed Brown- and others whose names I do not remember, and rowed down the river. A Tennessee regiment was stationed below, and on the side of the river opposite us. They had directions to fire on any boats going down the river, to prevent the escape of slaves, and other persons going towards the enemy at Beaufort. Radcliffe knew nothing about this, and being ordered to halt by the Tennessee picket, they shot a volley into the boat. It created quite a panic among all except one or two, and the man who was expected to be the bravest got the lowest down under the gunwales. Those who had presence of mind, backed-water, and got to the shore opposite out of the reach of the Tennessean and two or three deserted the boat taking to the marsh to escape and get back. It was after night when the news reached camp, and there was a general litter of excitement, especially at the discomfiture of the Colonel. The whole story was so foolish - the assumption of authority, the lack of soldierly qualities of precaution and presence of mind, and lack of courage made it all appear ludicrous. The Adjutant of the Regt. Chas. D. Myers called for volunteers and we soon manned the yawl and pulled down to the scene of conflict and rescued all who had not taken flight across the marsh back to camp. Ed. Brown, now in the southern Express employment, was shot through his cap, but none of the others were touched. So ended what the boys called the "Battle of Coosaw River."

The selection of our camping was bad. There was no drainage and all sort of abuses were allowed until sickness broke out to an alarming extent, and our camp was moved to a few miles off, to a better location, near a good spring.

The Mock Dress Parade Once incident will show how much lack of discipline there was in the Regt. (18^th N.C.) And how much freedom was allowed to the officers. It was agreed upon that Christmas Day, 1861, should witness the parade. John D. Barry, a private in Co. !, a Wilmington boy, and one of the brightest and most polite of our set, was the quiet manager. Gus Lippitt, of Co. G, a Wilmington boy, was to be Col., having the requisites as exhibited in the part of "Bones," which he took in the regimental Negro minstrel show. He procured a little donkey, from "Donkey Island" as his charger for the occasion. A list of general and special orders was written out I believe by Barry, Willie Wooster and Charley Flanner, which was nothing but a sharp satire on the officers, the management of the camp, and the grievances of the men. It was a wonder that such a paper would have been allowed, but it was. A miserable drunken, little Irishman, Ned Stanton, the only one in the regiment, was made Sergt. Of the mock Regiment, and the Surgeon (Dr. J.A. Miller who enjoyed the fun as much as any body) lent him his green sash for the occasion. After reading the orders the regiment started out to drill. The Col. Came to a puddle in the road and refused to go. The Col. Dismounted and with the assistance of a man lifted the donkey over the bad place, remounted and rode off. Lt. Col. O.P. Meares was greatly offended at the exhibition of quiet insubordination, but the Col. Shut his eyes to it. Not having started with disciplinary restraint it was too late now to curb the school-boy pranks of the young men, many of whom were his social equals, and had been his pupils only a year or so before.

Donkey Island One of the amusing experiences of my camp life at Coosawhatchie was my first picket experience. I was placed on post at a point near what is known as Boyd's Landing on the Coosaw. We were constantly getting messages by couriers of the Charleston Dragoons that gun-boats were approaching, and the excited Col. Would have the "long roll" beat, and trot us off 8 miles with out rest to this point. I believe nearly all of these were 'false alarms" gotten up to teach us the duties of soldiers. What a gun-boat was, no one seemed to know, except that it was a terrible naval vessel with demolishing armament, equal to all occasions of was and to be dreaded. With all of these vague ideas before me, I went on post with careful instructions from officers. Two of us were on post, and kept watch all night, I believe with out relief. Towards day, when I was very sleepy I heard an unearthly chorus of sounds, peal upon peal from the direction of the river. It was a new sound to me. Could it be a gun-boat? No, for surely that would approach with a rush of steam and a splashing of wheels in the water. My Comrade (D. Julee Rupell, I think) and I listened to the braying of a single donkey, so that analyzing the sound we found that the unearthly chorus came from a colony of donkeys which had been planted on Donkey Island. They had been introduced into this part of the state as plow animals, but the experiment had been a failure and they were all sent to this island when they had greatly increased. It was from this point that "Col" Gus Lippitt got his donkey for the mock Christmas Parade.

I was Insubordinate I don't like to tell of a "scrape" I got into by insubordination, but I will. It was on this very occasion of the visit to Boyd's Landing. Our Capt. (Bob Williams) was very lazy and good natured, but had no idea what was required of men on a march. In this 8 mile march homeward, no halt was made, and the Capt. got tired and dropped out to take his way at leisure. The command devolved upon 1^st Lt. Mat. Laspeyae, and his old companion, but who was considerably elevated by his office. He determined to show us what he knew about commanding on a march, and required the company to march "close order" as if we were on drill. It was warm and the road was uneven, and I was tired and afflicted with an annoying ailment, so that I could not march with out irritation, and when I came to a bad place in the road, I would fall out and pick my way. This irritated our strict Lt. And he ordered the Co. to halt and for me to "fall in." This I did and we went on as before and I as before falling out when we got to heavy road and deep sand. This being repeated two or three time by me, Laspeyre became very much exasperated, drawing his sword in a threatening manner upon me. At this I drew my bayonet, and we stood confronting each other. We both cooled off, the Lt. Ordering the Co. forward and I marched to camp. I was ordered in arrest when we reached camp, and after remaining in the guard tent all night, and no charges being brought by the Lt. I was released. I had the sympathy of the company in the matter and Laspeyre was looked-up on as a tyrant, but he had the law on his side and could have the matter very serious if he had court-martialed me. I was surely wrong in disobeying orders, bu he should have been more reasonable and have inquired into the cause of my disobedience. So I thought. But the incident shows what a poor idea we all had of our duties as soldiers. I believe such a state of things existed in all the regiments except the first seven (or 8 maybe). These were organized for the war, on strict army rules, and were commanded by West Point men. Genl. R.E. Lee was in command of the Dept. of Coosawhatchie and I only saw him once, and then he had an iron grey mustache. (1862)

Coosawhatchie We changed camp and called it Camp Stevens. The health of the men improved somewhat, but it was not good. There was no personal instruction about health, and the men were imprudent, Dr. W.J.H. Bellamy was a private in the same company of which I was a member, he was then not a doctor. We used to read medical books when we could, and both long for the time when we could attend College and get our degrees. He was taken sick with camp fever here, and was furloughed to complete his convalescence. I was seldom called upon to assist the doctor (Miller) now, but did some friendly nursing now and then among the sick in the hospital.

An Old Friend Mr. John Tripp I heard of an old friend in one of my visits to Coosawatchie, I heard of my old friend Mr. John Tripp whose hospitality I had enjoyed at Morgan Island. The fall of Port Royal had placed his estate in the hands of the enemy, and he had offered his services tot he Confederacy as a nurse. He was destitute, having only $10.00 which I believe he had offered to the village blacksmith to who he owed it; the blacksmith declined it. The estate was never returned to the family, and as the Negroes were all freed it was worth very little.

The Regiment Returns to NC The news of the fall of New Bern brought an order for us to return to N.C. I don't know the date, but it was before April 1862. We were carried to Goldsboro and the to Kinston. All along we heard of the disgrace of some of our regiments in the battle of New Bern. They were raw troops and their officers were incompetent. Some of the regiments were decidedly good, particularly the 7^th, Col. Campbell.

Camp at Kinston 1862 When all the troops all assembled in Kinston there was a lively time. I believe we had the 28^th, 18^th, 33^rd, 37^th, 7^th 26^th and the Regt. That Col. Sinclair (the fighting cowardly Scotch parson) commanded. We considered ourselves the best drilled regiment in the brigade. We were drilled in the Hardee tactics and they in Scotti. Our movements were all at quick time and showed to best advantage. Genl. Branch was put in command of the first five regiments above mentioned.

We had no sooner settled in camp that the all-absorbing topic was the expiration of the term for which we had enlisted- a year. Men and officers were equally excited and there was to be a mustering out of men whose terms had expired, and election for field and company officers. I was now given more work in the medical department, made a sort of brigade hospital steward by Dr. Miller, Regt. Surg and Brigade Surgeon. The camp was in constant turmoil. Out Lt. Col. Thought it was a good time to make one of his indiscreet speeches to the men on the cowardice of going home before the war was over. He defeated his own election and that of Col. And Major John D. Barry, a private in our company was a principal wire-worker, and succeeded in being made Capt. of the company. At a late hour I thought of running for it, but was beaten by a man that I greatly disliked. Many of the men went home on the expiration of their terms. Col. R.H. Cowan at the time Lt. Col of the 3^rd Regt. Inf. was elected Col.; Capt. Purdy, Lt. Col. And Capt. Forney George major.

Reorganization of the 18^th at Kinston 1862 Our camp was in constant confusion and turmoil by the discontent caused by the prospects of the mustering-out of all who had enlisted on or before April 15^th 1861, and by the electioneering of those to be retained, for the officers. I was greatly hoped that I would have been allowed to go home as I had substituted a man who had enlisted from April 1861. During the excitement I believe that the Confederate Congress finding that men were not re-enlisting passed a law conscripting all whose terms had expired, but most of the men had gone home.

A singular thing now happened to me - I was apprenticed by Bol. Cowan orderly sergeant of the Co. 1. I knew less than nay man in the company about drill, and did not desire the place at all. B.A. Hallett, of Wilmington (afterwards my friend and patient now living temporarily at Mt. Olive) was chosen orderly sergeant for the "L Inf." Co. G. We were the only O.S. not examined as to drill. H. was well drilled, I knew very little.

Try to Get The Company Out To Drill 1862 The duty of the O. Sgt. was to form the Co. in the CO street and turn it over to the Capt. I got along all right until I ordered the Co. "right face." No one moved. Then I ordered them "left face," no one moved, but the men commenced to smile. The new Capt. came down and saw my dilemma that the Co. was at "order arms" and could not move, suggested I should command "shoulder arms" which I did, and I turned the Co. over to the Capt. and we went out to drill. I could not get into it though and never made any head way.

I Get A Lot Of Drugs In one of my visits into Kinston I found a stock of drugs owned by Mr. Or Dr. Pollock fro sale. The disaster at New Bern made matters right uncertain and an offer was made to sell all at N.Y. list price. I took him up with out consulting Mr. Erambert (my old druggist friend) and bought the lot. It turns out to be a good purchase, as all kinds of drugs were very scarce. Kinston was getting quite a pleasant place and everything settled down into quiet. Dr. Miller still got my services in the medical department by permission of the Capt. But it was all too comfortable to last long, and we got an order, probably in June (1862) to go to Richmond. Our whole regiment was taken at one load, number in all about 800 men. Soldiers were no new things in Richmond and when we got there early in the morning the city was sleeping as quietly as though McClelland's army was not encircling its eastern limits only a few miles away. We were put in camp at Howard's Grove, a place afterwards occupied as a small-pox hospital. After a few days here we took the train for Gordonsville and thence to Swift Run Gap in the Blue Ridge, to re-enforce Stonewall Jackson. When we reached the Gap we were countermarched to Gordonsville and took the train for Hanover C.H. (Va.) Where we rested a day or two until the Battle of Hanover C.H. I will never forget the impression of the battle. The regiment had settled down into an idea that the war would soon be over and we would never see a battle or "get into one." It was now over a year since the regiment was organized and we had never been near an enemy. I remember with what interest we questioned Capt. Sikes, an old veteran of the Mexican War, who commanded one of our companies. The next day or the day after, the poor fellow was instantly killed in battle. He looked upon fighting as a serious business, and his account of what he had witnessed in Mexico did not tend to sharpen our appetites for it. I believe it was the night before the battle our whole company was put on guard with orders to patrol a certain part of the railroad, all night, without relief. It seemed to me then unreasonable, and I know now that it was due entirely to a lack of experience of our officers who so far had seen nothing of the practical duties of our soldier life. The men all did their part well with some grumbling and pretty sharp criticisms which seemed to be the rights of all Confederate soldiers. Every man was more or less an authority on military matters, and had his own opinion of how a campaign should be conducted, etc.

It rained very hard the night and day before the battle. The ground was thoroughly soaked, and small streams were full. To this day I don't know anything about the topography of the country. In the afternoon ( ) the regiment was hurried out of camp and pretty soon we heard the fire of artillery. Our Co. "1" was detached as skirmishers and deployed after a run of about a mile. I remember I had on a "fancy" knapsack which was sent out as a pattern for the Wil. Lt. Inft. a civil military company existing before the war many years. The knapsack consisted of a slender white pine frame covered with patent-leather, and made a snug square parcel, with a place on top for a blanket. It was only suited for holiday soldiering, but I was too proud of the appearance it made to give it up for the poor rag of a thing the men had. I had a very fine pair of white blankets Ma had given me when I left home. As we were running into the battle my knapsack got too heavy - I was very thirsty- and confident that we would return the same road when the fight was over, I threw my precious knapsack into a tangle of smilax vines and went on, now and then stopping to scoop up water from the cart-ruts, which were running with muddy water. But it was the best we could do. I was hot and excited from running, and the firing in our front. Just as we neared the battle field I saw the first wounded man I had ever seen in battle. He was coming along the road we were traveling, between two men. He had been shot in the bowels, and was pale and a horrible sight. This was very sickening but only a few steps farther, there were several dead and wounded horses of our artillery (Capt. Latham's) that had been knocked up by the enemy and silenced. The impressions were more and more serious as we advanced. Our Capt. was directed to take the left side of the road, and deploy as skirmishers. Just where our line extended there was a deep grade in the road, so that when we were deployed, the right of the company where I was at the edge of the steep bank looking down on the road. Cord wood was stacked about in the piece woods we occupied, and we could hear the patter of lead from the enemy on the wood and trees, but could see no one before us, and here we were ordered to lie down and await orders. The battle raged hotly to our right, and in the midst of it, our junior 2nd Lt. Bridgers gave me the order very excitedly to "deploy" - that is extend the company line to the right. To do this we would have been obliged to get down a steep bank, pass a road being scoured with artillery, and climb another bank, then dividing the company into parts. The Lt. Kept repeating the order, but finally the Capt. overhearing it bade me not to mind and silenced our would be "general."

The Battle of Hanover 1862 I don't know why, but we came hastily off the field about sun-down, and discovered that our regiments were moving rapidly away, and that the 7^th N.C. was bringing up the rear of a defeated Brigade. We had to cross a field under a sweeping fire, and move right lively to re-join our command, and so rejoin a retreating line. We picked up on the way that we had been attacked by Genl. Fitz-John Porter, and after making a good fight we had to retreat through Hanover Slashes, the neighborhood of Henry Clay's birthplace, and that we were going to Ashland, a little village nearer Richmond. On the road I picked up a new Enfield rifle which I exchanged for mine which was al old fashioned Springfield percussion musket. I heard that one of our Regts. Acted badly in the fight and that the 12^th Regt. (Sol Williams) which joined us on the road was utterly worthless.

I ought to go back and relate an incident which had a bearing on my career. Before we took train for Richmond previous to the battle, we encamped at Gordonsville. We had a battalion drill and I went on drill as O. Sergt. for the first time. I knew nothing of drill and it was my duty and that of the Capt. to see that the proper interval was kept between our company and the one before it, so that when we wheeled into line there would be no space and no overlapping. I missed it every time and it worried Col. Cowan very much. When the drill was over he sent for me, and in a half-humorous way he scolded me for spoiling his drill. I could make no defense except that I hadn't had the opportunity to drill. Dr. Miller was standing by and heard the conservation. The Col. Ended his conservation by inviting me not to go one his drill again, if I could find anything else to do. Dr. Miller spoke for him to turn me over to his department, so that every now and then I was detailed to help him.

After The Battle I was among the first to get into Ashland, of our regiment, and set about looking after the wounded. But I found that there was great confusion and little to do, and slept very soundly on the hospital floor, rejoining my regiment the next day. We then moved to Brook Church near Richmond and went into camp. It was a very pretty site, and the best camp we had during the war. We remained here sometime and was in camp when the exciting news came that Genl. J.E.B. Stuart had marched around McClellan's rear. With our little knowledge of things, it looked like we were now in a fair way to have a decided victory and end the war.

The news came in, too, of Stonewall Jackson's brilliant battles in the Valley of Va. Over Banks and Shields, and others. Our newspapers were full of it, and in one newspaper we read Ben Wood's speech delivered in Congress, I believe on the subject of peace. Put all the news together our prospects were bright, and little did we know that in a few weeks the great "7 Days Battle before Richmond" would take place.

Picketing at the Chickahominy From this camp we were occasionally on picket duty at Chickahominy Swamp. There was a flock of sheep between us and the enemy's picket line in a meadow. Both sides wanted the sheep, and at last commenced firing at each other when a party from one side of the other would venture too far. This brought on a sharp picket skirmish, the first one since Hanover, and the only time we had seen the "blue coats." No one was hurt. While on picket two well dressed gentlemen came to my station to cross the Chickahominy. They were dressed as sports men and had double barrel fowling pieces. They had passes from the highest authorities, and after submitting them to the Capt. they were allowed to cross. In a few days after we heard the booming of the guns at Seven Pines, and expected to be engaged ourselves, but were not.

1862 We returned to our camp at Brook Church after picket service. I got along pretty well in camp, but my duties as an Orderly Sergt. made me some enemies in the performance of my duties as arbiter between the men. I had a chicken for a pet. He got so tame that he perched about in my tent and on my shoulders while writing. One day the news came to strike tents, cook three days rations and be prepared for march. Poor chicken. No fat chicken. It was too bad, but all sentiment disappeared before the necessities of war, and I had a fat chicken for the next day.

The Seven Days Battle Before Richmond We moved out on Brook turnpike and made our way to Meadow Bridge, skirmishing, the 7^th N.C. in front deployed. All the signs pointed to a great battle. Wounded men were being brought to the rear, a sight that we afterwards became so accustomed. We took an occasional prisoner from the Michigan Cavalry Regiment which picketed in our front, while we were in the meadow on duty. It was nearly sunset, when as we were marching along the road, firing quite heavy in our front, there was a tremendous rumbling sound coming directly down upon us. I never could explain it, or how it came about, but a panic seized the regiment, and I believe that most of them jumped the fence and cleared the road in a minute. I proved to one of our ambulance with run away horses coming down the road with a tremendous crash. The Regt. soon recovered itself, was in line, and was never after known to do anything but the best work as soldiers. I have talked this matter over with the survivors of the 18^th Regt., but none could account for it, that a Regt. that had always behaved well under fire did such a foolish thing as this. It was not long after this that we charged across the bridge and up the hill at Mechanicsville, under a very heavy fire and took our position in line of battle. It had been a hard days fight, but we were up all night. We were ordered to charge several times and had the order countermanded, and then we slept for a short time upon our arms.

We saw Jackson coming in towards Mechanicsville as we were going into battle. The next day he appeared upon McClellan's flank and the works in front of us were evacuated. The next day I was decidedly unwell, but there were many others who were on the complaining list, and I did not want to be considered a coward. But at least I submitted my case to the doctor and he gave me a pass to the rear and I made my way to Richmond. I could have gone further but I was so weak that I thought there were signs of fever coming on and I sought the house of Capt. Sam. W. Skinner who then lived on Church Hill. He was a brother-in-law of Louis Erambert, and treated me very kindly. He sent for his family physician, Dr. Knox, who had me under treatment for several days. All day and all might we could see and hear in Richmond the signs of the raging battle. I was sick about two or three weeks, and determined to start for my Regt. when Lt. Bridgers of my Co. was brought to my neighborhood wounded. I nursed him until he was convalescent. Seeing an order for all convalescents from N.C. to report to the N.C. hospital, I reported.

Moore Hospital This hospital was named Moore Hospital after Surgeon General S.P. Moore, who disliked the compliment expecting to have a larger one named after him. For this reason he ordered all hospitals in the city to be numbered and it was known as General Hospital No. 24, but the name had already been painted on the front and there it remained. I found Dr. Otis F. Manson in charge. He was a North Carolinian who had been well known in our state, as an active member of the State Society (medical) and a member of the Board of Medical Examiners. The building was an old tobacco factory, the property of Capt. Lebby who lived on Church Hill. It was just about "Rockets" at the S. Bend in Main St. It was three stories high, with a considerable basement. The first floor was occupied as follows. On the left the office of the Sergt; on the right the office of the Steward. Beyond this the floor was divided into rooms. On the left as sleeping apartments for the officers, and in the center a general dinning room. The second and third floors except smalls rooms, divided off for dispensary, linen and bathrooms, were large open wards for the sick men. The hospital having the capacity for about 70 or 80 men.

1862 When I reported at the Hospital I expected to be examined and returned to my regiment. I found matters in the unsettled state of a new institution, with more work on hand that they could manage. The Surgeon in charge, Dr. Manson, was earnestly at work giving his attention to all the details of the organization, besides the medical and surgical services so numerous and pressing after several battles. Dr. Sherrod, of N.C. and Dr. Hussey, of N.C. were his assistants. There was also a doctor who acted as an apothecary. These two last named after a short service decided to return to their homes and this was the condition of things when I reached the Hospital. Dr. Manson found out that I was a medical student, a pupil of Dr. W.G. Thomas, of Wilmington, an old medical society friend, and he put me to work. I was glad indeed to find something suited to my tastes, and a comfortable place to work in, but I felt uneasy about the ling absence from my command. I told the whole affair to Dr. Manson. He promised to make it all right, and sure enough he got from the Secretary of War an order detailing me for duty at the Hospital with the privilege of attending lectures at the Va. Med. College. This opened a new field for me, and I hailed it with delight. The difference between a home - a fixed abiding place in a hospital, a comfortable bed, good fare, congenial companions about me, and the hardships of the battle field were very great. I thought that my Capt. and Col. Would oppose it, but they all agreed and after awhile seemed somewhat pleased.

Dr. Manson 1862 I found pretty soon that Dr. Manson expected work and that my stay there depended on making myself useful. I was put in charge of the 2^nd floor, 1^st ward as ward master and apothecary. It was a large room with about 50 beds with a platform extending out of the west window for convalescents to promenade and lounge. It gave a view of the James River and Manchester. The dispensary was a small room cut off for the ward by a petition. There were few drugs ready made, and I was put to work to make the usual preparations of the Pharmacopoeia. I had under my call all the nurses of the ward, 5 or 6, including the night relief. I also kept a "case book" with name, disease, dates and medicines of each patient. The was kept scrupulously clean. It was scoured with a mop every morning, and dy scoured every afternoon. The floors were very white, although it was hard to keep the soldiers habitually in mind of clean habits.

One anecdote connected with my ward I ought to tell. One afternoon some gentlemen came in to my ward smoking and spitting on the floor with their hats on. I could not imagine who they could be, knowing there were gamblers who often visited us, and were very liberal with their money among the sick - they were the only people, except Marylanders who wore citizens clothes. As soon as I noticed their disregard for the rules of the was I administered a mild rebuke by calling a Negro nurse to mop up the place where the men spat. They didn't notice me, though, but went on talking and laughing, quite at home, still smoking. I was getting quite out of patience not knowing what to do next. Pretty soon my anxiety was relieved by the Surgeon in charge, who came up and addressed one of the gentlemen who had on a silk hat, as Governor. It turned out to be Gov. Vance and Dr. Edward Warren and I believe Dr. Grissom. I was, of course willing to let the Governor off, but I did not like it. The officers of the Hospital had the laugh on me, they thought.

Dr. Manson had moved his family to Richmond, after assuming his duties as Surgeon and brought his library with him, placing it in his office at the Hospital. He invited me several time to his office, and when he found that I was interested in his books he gave me free access to them. French medicine was then in the ascendancy. He had all the best of these authors - Andrae, Louis, Trousseau, Pidoux and Grissolle and a great many more that I had never seen but had heard of and seen noted in my text books. Particularly I noticed that he had Leberts famous work on pathology in 3 large folio volumes. This was a very remarkable possession for a country doctor's library. It seems that Dr. Manson had always been a student, and made choice collections of books. His practice had been good in Granville Co. North Carolina and he married a rich wife. He was always proud of his profession and studied and wrote well. His enthusiasm often led him into a style that was quite ornate, and out of keeping with strict scientific usage, but his composition was not devoid of good descriptions founded upon actual experience. This he was always able to fortify by reference to books in French and English and Latin. Some of the theory and practice as regards malarial fever, were commented on as extravagant, especially as to dosage of quinine, but I noticed that not many years after, the same opponents and critics, were imitating Dr. Manson very closely.

His father was a builder in Richmond and gave the Doctor a medical education, he graduating at the Virginia Medical College. Soon after graduating, he went to Granville Co. (Townsville) and became a candidate for practice. He was then a sparse built man with slightly round (stooping) shoulders, and bright black eyes and black hair and moustache. He dressed very neatly, always, and attracted much attention by his almost dandy-like appearance. For some time he had not much to do, as is the usual lot of young beginners. Fortunately for him he had an early opportunity to show what stuff he was made of.

Small pox broke out among the Negroes on one or two plantation near town, and created quite an excitement. The older physician did not like to be taxed with work which would make their other patients afraid of them, but still the Negroes were valuable property and could not be neglected, to say nothing of the principles of mercy. Dr. Manson was applied to and responded and although having the appearance of a fastidious lady's man he entered in to the work with so much courage, diligence and knowledge of his professional duties, that he once took a stand among the older doctors besides gaining some very goo fees, at the time so much needed. This spirit actuated him all though his career. When he undertook work, nothing deterred him from doing his best.

My Studies But to return to the library. I had never seen such a sight and my delight was very great when I found that I had the privilege of reading. I remember two of the books that I took in hand pretty soon, Louis "La Fiever Typhoide" and Magnus Huss on "Enteric Fever." This subject was most interesting as the greater part of my cases were typhoid or as we call it typhoid-malarial fever. I had to brush up on my French for on of the books but I enjoyed it.

1862 There was a matron in the hospital a sister of Dr. Robert Gibbon of Charlotte, who had left her home to minister to the sick. She had a good deal of zeal and but little knowledge of her duties. In fact many ladies wanted to imitate Florence Nightingale, who had not prepared themselves by study or practice in the art of nursing, and who having some success at home nursing a single patient, were greatly at sea when they undertook to look after numbers of rough soldiers, with few of the appliances at home. Miss Gibbons was very kind to me in many little ways. I had sent home for my citizen's clothes feeling some what secure that I would not be molested in the pursuit of my avocation for some time to come. She kept my white clothes nearly mend with out my knowledge for a long time who as the friend to whom I was indebted. I was very pained to learn some time after my separation for the hospital that she had left the city under a cloud. Her brother was General Gibbon, of the U.S. Army.

There were two other ward masters. Dr. Bellamy of Warrenton, N.C. and Mr. Roberts of Granville. The hospital had secured at its foundation all the crockery and wares of the ( )

"Curtis Peck" which formerly plied between Richmond and Norfolk and another valuable acquisition Capt. Freeman of the Steamer to be chief of the cooking department. He was a most excellent provider, and our meals were of the very best. No Hotel in Richmond set out such meals in 1862 and 1863 as we had. The officers table was separate from the general table, but the food was excellent. The state of N.C. provided for the Hospital in a very generous way and private donations came in abundantly form ladies of the state. Our store-room was well filled with every delicacy. So bountiful was our supple, that S. General Moore made a written requisition upon our hospital to distribute among other less favored hospitals. The demand created an angry controversy which was for a ling time kept up. One incident will show how far the Surg. General allowed his feelings to carry him. Dr. Grissom, then Capt. Grissom, of the 20^th or 30^th N.C. Regt. was wounded severely in the Seven Days Battle Before Richmond, was promoted to be Major and surgeon in the N.C. troops by the Governor. He came to Richmond with a Major's uniform, which displeased the Surgeon General Dr. Grissom, having no commission from the Confederate Govt. But from the State. The quarrel ended by the triumph of the Gov. Vance, who was at the time in Richmond, and Dr. Grissom was allowed to wear the uniform of a surgeon. I believe that Dr. G. was on the staff of the Governor, or on the staff of the Surgeon General of N. C., Dr. Edward Warren.

While at the Hospital I made many acquaintances and among others that of Prof. Dimitry. He was a great linguist. A native of New Orleans, had been U.S. Minister to Central America. He resided with his family near our hospital. I believe he was at the time Govt. Interpreter. He translated Hugo's Les Miserables, carefully suppressing all those parts referring to slavery, as the tome of the book was against the institution, and in the South all books were unlawful or at any rate excluded by common consent if opposed to slavery. I believe that Fantime and Cossette were the work of Mr. Dimitry. He had two daughters who made us frequent visits and we found them quite lively.

I Attend the Medical College My interest in French had attracted the attention of Dr. Manson, and he increased my facilities for study. I was allowed many more privileges than any other of the young men. At last fall came, and the Medical College was opened. I was given night charge of the ward only, and sleeping in the Dispensary with it partition reaching not half to the wall, I could hear the slightest sound and so keep the nurses at their duty. I matriculated at the College in October (?) took out my tickets with $115.00 sent from home by my father. I had been a medical student since 1858, but this was my first opportunity to attend lectures. The class was quite large, and composed of men who were on duty in some capacity in the various hospitals in the city. I made no acquaintances among them, but kept my own counsel, hoping that something would turn up to enable me to get my commission as Assistant Surgeon, by the end of the term, although I knew that I could not graduate, two sessions being requisite to accomplish this.

Dr. Manson had a son 10 or 12 years old, William. He conceived the idea that his little fellow must attend lectures and drink medicine in just as a child would learn a foreign language. Dr. M. had a German music teacher who took out tickets at the College and daily performed the duties of a school-master, leading little Willie daily to the College by the hand. The little man was of course dubbed, "Doctor" by the students and was quite a curiosity, as he was probably the youngest student on record. His first day in the anatomical lecture room was marked by a scene of crying on the part of Eucalyptus and coaxing by his German teacher, until finally the boy got seasoned to all the sights and smells, and made his daily visits to the lectures. Dr. M. was not successful in his theory of educating the boy, for he acquired the greatest aversion to medicine and today is a merchant. When I last saw him in New Orleans he was reviewing this part of his life, and thought his father had pursued the right plan to disgust him with medicine, and he was glad he had made the escape.

1862 The professors at the time lecturing at the Virginia Medical College were Dr. David Tucker, Dr. Charles Bell Gibson, Dr. L.J. Joynes, Dr. Mc Caw, Dr. Peticolas and Dr. B. Wellford and Dr. Conway. Dr. Gibson was an excellent lecturer in surgery. He was the son of Dr. William Gibson of Philadelphia, the author of a work on Surgery. The father quoted the son freely and the son the father, so that the students always knew what was coming when certain subjects were mentioned. Dr. Gibson illustrated his lectures with beautiful paintings done for or by his father. He was able to make his class understand his teaching, using at all times the most select words, and pronouncing them distinctly. He was a very successful teacher, and was indeed the attraction of the College before the war - during the war there was no other choice, all the Colleges - Charleston, Mobile, New Orleans, Nashville, University of Virginia have closed their doors after the first year of the war.

Dr. McCaw the lecturer in chemistry was the next best teacher, having the ability to teach the generally neglected subject in such a way that his lectures were always well attended.

Dr. Joynes (physiology) was a good lecturer, but teaching physiology by the old method, with scarcely a demonstration, there was little to interest. He was esteemed the most learned man in the faculty.

Dr. Peticolas, taught anatomy with success. He had an excellent demonstrator, Dr. Howard, who prepared his subjects in a very thorough way and the classes were small enough for every one to have a good view.

Dr. Tucker (practice) was a practical lecturer, but was sometimes coarse in his jokes, repeating many of the old jokes of Dr. N. Chapman, of Philadelphia, and always an applause from his class.

Dr. Wellford was from Fredericksburg. A fine, modest, old gentleman, but a very prosy lecturer. He illustrated his subject with good drawings and articles of materia medica, but his lectures occurring at the time when my services were needed at the Hospital, I seldom heard him, but followed him by reading the U.S. Dispensatory.

Dr. Conway was a very prosy lecturer. He was given to bad habits (we heard) and sometimes came to the lecture desk with out reading his lecture. His branch, obstetrics, was little cared for just then, as all the instruction desired was to enable one to pass the Board of Army Examiners.

I must confess that I was not diligent at lectures except on interesting subjects, but I tried to make up at the Hospital by reading textbooks. In January 1863 I got an invitation from the Surgeon General of the Army to appear before the Board of Medical Examiners at Richmond, for appointment as Assistant Surgeon. I was quite sure that this was at the insistence of my friend, Dr. Manson. This was my first course of lectures, and the term would not be over until March three months after my examination. I had just two months to prepare in, and knowing that it was known that I was not a graduate, one of my professors, Dr. Peticolas being on the Army Board, and knowing that if I failed that I would be conscribed and sent to the Army as a private, I studied very hard. I received the encouragement of every one connected with the Hospital, and allowed all the time I wanted to study.

The Richmond Army board was very strict. I could hear every week of men rejected, some of them old doctors, and some fresh from College. I was kept in a feverish state for these two months. In order to continue my studies late into the night I would resort to wetting my head in ice cold water, and other means, but after 10 o'clock I could do little or nothing.

During my course- or earlier, my friend and former fellow student, Dr. Hugh Walker Gardner was brought to the Officer's Hospital (No. 10) and died there with abscess of the liver. He had had a very hard time. He presented himself to the Goldsborough Examining Board for Assistant Surgeon and had the mortification of being rejected. That Board was the easiest of all to pass I had always heard by they rejected my accomplished friend. Three months after he applied tot he Richmond Board and passed such a good examination that he was made a surgeon. From the issue of his appointment he had been unpleasantly associated but at the time was assigned to a battery of artillery. He took the Chickahominy Fever after the "Seven Days Battle" ending as I have stated. Poor fellow, he suffered greatly. His poor mother was there, but so great was the stench of the gangrene in his lungs (the abscess bursting upward through them) that she could not stay in the room to see him die. I closed his eyes and heard his dying testimony that his trust was in Jesus. John de Rosset was an assistant in the Hospital and attended Gardner through his sickness. De Rosset encouraged me greatly to persevere for an appointment as Assistant Surgeon, knowing the difficulties of the situation. I saw him occasionally as he was inspector of Hospital of the Department of Henry County, including Richmond.

I Go Before The Army Board of Examiners The great day in February came and I was to appear before the Board. It was very cold, my moustache was stiff with ice, when I reached the place on Main Street above the old American Hotel. I was shown into a dark, cold and dirty looking room on the 2^nd story. There were two little boys (ushers) who sat on high stools in the room, one or the other being always on duty to go for messages and to watch the candidates that they did not speak to each other, or bring any book or paper into the room. The custom was to examine two candidates at a time and my colleague at the time was a middle-aged Dr. from Ala., I don't remember his name. He had been in practice for some years. He was a little deaf. We had little to say to each other, our thoughts being too much occupied with the trial which was before us. We had not been seated in the cold room - no fire at all - before a boy brought in a blank sheet of fools-cap with the name of the subject written on the first line, and upon this subject we were expected to write. I don't know if the boy me mine by chance or not, but my subject was "Typhoid Fever," and that of my friend "Compression and Concussion of the Brain." I was fortunate because I had charge of fever cases for months and had kept records of my cases. In addition I was saturated with the writings of Louis and Huss. The French school being in great favor I made use of all the quotations I could from the great masters, and I thought I did very well. I had not finished my paper before my colleague, who was undergoing his examination in another room, came back where I was, in a state of excitement showing that he had been rejected. This did not tend to raise my spirits, but I felt safe on my "Typhoid Fever" paper. I was pretty soon called to go before the Board for oral examination. There was a good fire in this room and I was cold and shivering from cold and excitement. Dr. H.F. Campbell of Augusta, Ga. was first to question me. He saw that I was cold and asked me to be seated at the fire and warm myself and not get excited. His manner was very kind. He seemed to know exactly what I wanted to be questioned upon, for he took me up on the diseases of the chest, beginning with the physical signs. For these I gave the simplified terms, in use by J. Hughes Bennett in his Clinical Medicine. I saw that Dr. Campbell was pleased with my answers. He also examined me on the action of medicines in diseases of the chest. I was after a while quite at ease, but I don't think I would have been had I known that Dr. Peticolas (my Professor and member of the Board) was amusing himself sketching me, as was his custom, I learned. I think I went from Dr. Campbell to Dr. Peticolas for examination in Anatomy. He examined me on the physical and general anatomy of the arteries, and was very particular, knowing I suppose that I was an undergraduate. From Dr. Peticolas, I was taken in hand by Dr. St. George Peachy, on surgery. His plan seemed to be to go on until he stalled (or "stumped" as the college boys, say) the candidate. He took me all over the field of fractures until finally came to fracture of the lower jaw. I described the fracture and the apparatus, and often this was asked, "how would I feed my patient?" I though of milk baths, enemata of nutritious substances, and at last gave it up. He suggested either extracting a tooth before applying the apparatus, or passing a tube around behind the last molar tooth, and feeding the patient on fluids. During the examination I found that I was right in an answer and that Dr. Peachy was wrong, and that Dr. Peachy sustained me. I believe that Dr. Thalley, of Columbia, was absent from and only three were on the Board. I don't know how long I was in this examination, but it seemed a long time. I left the room with a feeling that I had succeeded, although there was no intimation of it from any member of the Board. I returned to the Hospital in this state of uncertainty, and so remained for a few days, when one morning an official note reached me through the mail, directed to "Assistant Surgeon Thomas F. Wood," announcing that I had passed my examinations successfully and must report to the Surgeon General for orders.

I Am Appointed - Assistant Surgeon 1862 My friends at the Hospital were quite jubilant and gave me a supper and made other manifestations. Dr. Manson at the time had only one Assistant Surgeon having rid himself of a Maryland doctor, who was very incompetent. He fully expected that I would be assigned to him, and requested the Surgeon General to that effect. I reported at the Surgeon General's office for orders requesting leave of absence to procure a uniform, etc. This was granted with the addition, "and at the expiration of which time he will report where he is." I paid very little attention to the meaning of the order, but came home, Wilmington, and found the family on the Sound (Masonboro - Fowler's) where Pa had gone to make salt, and where the family took refuge during the yellow fever epidemic which had begun August 1862 and continued until October or November of that year. My stay was very short and I found outside of the family very few persons that I knew or who cared that I had achieved what (to me) was a very important feat. The family of course were very glad, but principally, I believe because of the exemption from danger which the new office brought. I was now 22 years old, rather an unripe specimen of a doctor, with but a young mustache, and not much external evidence of wisdom and skill, but my appointment was a great source of internal satisfaction.

Richmond Medical College 1862 Richmond at the time of my residence there was a very busy city. The streets were crowded with soldiers and strangers from all parts of the South, and from Maryland. The Confederate authorities were particularly tender of the feeling of the Marylanders, as in that state there was a large secession element, and we were all anxious that Maryland would go with us. Negro minstrels, gamblers, gentlemen, at large, handsomely dressed in citizens - were nearly always Marylanders. Many of them were in the service, but more of them were seeking their fortunes, with the new government. Every day on the street, I saw some one I knew from N.C., or some place in the south. Out Congressmen visited us occasionally to see how the sick and wounded were doing at the Hospital. We had a good laugh at one visit. Ho, Mr. George Davis was then Senator form N.C. and Mr. Thomas McDowell (Bladen) Representative from my district. They made an early visit before the Surgeon in charge had come down, and I did the honors, showing them the cooking arrangements, dining room, etc., etc, on the first floor. We then started upstairs to the first ward. I had forgotten that a case of small-pox had broken out the night before in this ward, and it occurred to me when we were half way- up stairs that I had better announce the fact to the gentlemen, lest they might have some fear of the disease. Accordingly I did so, and it did not take more than a simple statement before they were making a hasty retreat, for the front door. Some of the "the boys" looked upon it as a joke but I had no idea of perpetuating a joke upon such distinguished men.

This appearance of small-pox in our hospital was the beginning of my interest in a subject which was always after an absorbing one. Small-pox was quite plenty in Rockets among the children. Vaccine was not of a good quality, and had been greatly deteriorated by private vaccinations by the means of vaccine crusts or "scabs." Small-pox patients were at the time sent to Howard's Grove Hospital. On the appearance of the disease, the subordinate in the Hospital had agreed that if one of us should be taken with small-pox we would nurse him privately and not send him to Howard's Grove. Shortly after I was taken with fever, pain in the back and head, and symptoms which looked very much like small-pox. I had been vaccinated about three years and since, but the last time gave no characteristic evidence of "taking." I was not at all alarmed, but I was put into a room by myself and quarantined. The "boys" were faithful to their word, but I noticed that when they came in it was not for more than a moment, until after three days of fever and lonesomeness on my part, no eruption having shown itself I was gradually restored to my duty. Vaccinations had saved me.

Richmond 1862 I got a little practice in Rockets, which was of service to me if not to the patients. On one occasion a woman sent for me who had a large abscess under her chin, extending across the neck as far as the carotids. It was from a blow from her husband, and of course she was an Irish woman. I remember how puzzled I was, whether I had a bloody tumor or an abscess, and what danger there was in putting my lancet in it. What if I opened the large mass and a carotid should pump away and cause death. This was before the days of examination with grooved exploring needles or hypodermic syringes or aspirator, and no wonder I was dismayed. At any rate I ventured, made a free incision in the middle line and out poured the pus and the woman was made happy as well as the embryo "doctor." I was highly applauded by the demonstrative Irish woman, but got no pay. In fact she saw by this time that I was practicing for glory, a thing very hard for a young doctor to keep to himself.

On another occasion I was called to see an Irish baby, that had been "given-up" by Dr. Wellford. Either the child was so sick that Dr. W. did not think it worthwhile to call again, or else he was too hard pressed to give his attention. At any rate I was accepted as the "dostor" and took the case in hand. I was not far enough advanced to know a case of pneumonia or bronchitis especially in a child so near death, as this one seemed to be. So I looked wise, did very little and waited to see what would happen- not a bad way under such circumstances for anybody. In a few days my patient was convalescent, and finally got well. This gave me great credit, all attributing it to my skill with that narrow sightedness which would under opposite circumstances have condemned me for failure. Much to my surprise, a few days after being Christmas, a very nice dinner was sent to me in compliment to my success and we all enjoyed it.

My Overcoat All articles of clothing were very high in Richmond, and Confederate money was beginning to decline in value. I remember one incident which will show the state of affairs. I took a walk with Mr. Warner L. Fleming (a native of Goochland, Va.) Steward for our Hospital up to Broad St., high up, and strolled into a dry goods store. We found a piece of beaver cloth, heavy, black, shaggy on the inside. I had been on hand some time and was held at the very high price of $15.00 a yard, 3 yards for $45.00. It was considered very extravagant but I bought three yards with the trimmings costing about $5.00 more, took it to a tailor, who made it for $18.00. The overcoat cost then $68.00, about and was considered in that day, a very handsome garment. I appeared with it on the street for the first time in the winter of '62-'63, and had offers to sell it for sums which were very much more than I gave, but the eager, manner of the would-be-purchaser showed how scarce such (now) common articles were. This coast served me excellently. It had a large rolling collar which I could turn up over my ears, and a long skirt with which to keep my legs warm. This coat had a further history. When we were in the Valley of Virginia with General Early I came near being arrested as a spy. We made a march at night through a bridle path in the mountain, and with the greatest secrecy and caution, and about day-break, a cold frosty morning, we debauched upon a plain where we awaited the appearance of some picket cavalry who were to capture the enemy's outpost. It was given out that there was a spy in camp wearing a black overcoat, etc., etc. I was very cold and was walking up and down near my Brigade (then that of Gen. W.R. Cox of N.C., formerly Ramseur's) and walked into the lines of Butler's Brigade, when Col. Forsythe arrested me. I thought it was a joke at first, but although I knew their Colonel, I had to show my credentials before he would believe he had not caught the right man. It was just day break and it was not easy to discern features. This old coat was a good friend though, and served as blanket and dress coat - was very durable and warm and easily cleaned of mud and clay after a campaign.

Richmond was very early in the war put under martial law, so that persons coming in and going out had to have a "pass," from the Provost Martial. Guards were stationed all about in the busiest of streets to demand the "pass" or passport from the authorities. The guards were former soldiers who had seen service, and seemed delighted in arresting any one with out, especially if he happened to be well dressed - for in the latter case, the evidence was that he was shirking his duty and ought to be put in the field. Sometimes the guard was unfortunate enough not to know how to read and had to call upon his superior officer to pass upon the authenticity of the passport. While I was attending lectures I greatly enjoyed wearing citizens clothes, and felt free to do so bearing the order of the Secretary of War (James Seddon, I believe). I remember one morning walking pretty briskly on Main Street towards the College, feeling quite proud and perhaps showing it by my carriage, I was considered the right sort of a chap to arrest - "take in out of the dew" - as the Army slang went. The poor fellow could not read however, and had to call upon his Lieut. To read my "pass," as it differed from the brown paper of the usual passport. I suppose that not being able to read he had been relying on the color of the paper as the genuineness of the "pass," and mine being in the form of a special order from the secy. Of War it was too much for his "limited education." Such men made good soldiers though, and they were in earnest doing their duty, for the war was a life and death struggle, and the South required every man to do his share in whatever place he was called to serve. To return to my guard. I was of course allowed to pass, bu every few days I had to undergo the same scrutiny, and of course everyone else did. Especially was it bothersome when one wore citizens's clothes, for near everyman throughout the South wore a uniform of some sort, and indeed after the second year of the war, I doubt if you could have bought enough black or any other sort than gray cloth of which to make a suit.

In Richmond the Jews were especially the active merchants. At first they volunteered in considerable numbers, but the thirst of money making induced most of them to get out of the Army upon one pretext or another. Wilmington from 1862 to 1865 was Headquarters of the Confederacy for goods of all sorts, brought in through the blockade. At auction sales (Jews and gentiles, too) gathered and the prices were fabulous. At one sale of Cronly and Morris' (the chief auctioneers) the sales amounted to four million dollars, and their deposits at the Bank were so large that it was refused except as a special deposit - they did not have clerks to count it. Money kept declining in value and goods kept going up, so that whatever went from one person to another increased always in prices form day to day. Every thing was saleable. Coarse crockery, pins, corsets, cutlery, calico, etc., etc., etc., etc., etc., much of which was of English manufacturers coming through Nassau. I remember one very ingenious device, that of a patent button sent to me while I was in the field. I consisted of two parts. With a sharp stick you made a whole in your pants, pushed a little peg like this With a screw tip, through the cloth and screw the round top or button proper on to it. This was a great convenience as buttons were constantly coming off, and no mother or sister at hand to put them on. Another device was a sheet of paper with a flap, which could be so folded as to make a neat self-sealing envelope. This was English too, and a somewhat similar plan had been adopted (1886) by the P.O. Dept. These were novelties and only a very few ever saw them. Pa and Brother Bob were both in Cronly and Morris' auction store, and were always on the lookout for my comfort. From them I got a complete suit of rubber - hat with a broad cape, coat, leggings an gloves - so that I was completely weather-proof. But unfortunately in the Army it was as hard to keep such things as it was to get them.

Richmond 1862 The Confederate Congress met in Richmond, and was almost always in session even in the sound of the battlefield, and the President Mr. Davis was often on the battlefield, I was told. I remember a story told by one of our men (now living 1887, A.B. Cook) that he went to a farm house to get something to eat and being successful he was seated at the table with a lot of officers and one man they all called Mr. President. Cook did not know who he was but he heard the officers speaking in high praises of troops from all states, but North Carolina, where upon Cook boiled over and joined in the conversation reminding them that North Carolina troops were in these fights although no one had said a worked about it. He had his "say" out which amuse the party very much. Cook afterwards learned that he was giving his opinion to the President of the Confederacy.

The hotels in Richmond were the "American" and "Spottswood" on Main St. and "Ballard's Exchange" on Franklin St. The patronage was great but after 1862 the fare was bad. There was no such thing as a cup of genuine coffee to be seen at the tables, only the miserable substitutes of rye, etc. The crockery was a mixed sort, hardly half a dozen cups in sight were of the same pattern, and although of the coarsest, heaviest ware, was chipped and cracked. The fare was very expensive, far above the reach of private soldiers who got $11.00 a month, and after a late day in the war, seldom one was to be seen at the tables. The men generally carried their rations with them, or depended upon the wayside peddlers of food. After a while all these disappeared, and some of the states (North Carolina did) fitted up a "soldiers home" near the depot where N.C. troops going to and from the army were well fed, and the officers were charged a nominal sum. The home was under the care of Dr. Manson, and immediately superintended by S.W. Murphy, a recent graduate of the Virginia Medical College.

Dr. S.W. Murphy - Richmond 1862 Dr. Murphy came to Richmond from Baltimore and was given a position as ward master at the Moore Hospital during my residence there. He had lived in N.C. formerly and my have been born there. His father (I believe) and his brothers were Episcopal ministers. Dr. M. had a good classical education and took up the notion of studying medicine after coming into the Confederacy. I don't think that he had any real tastes for the study, but it seemed to be the best he could do. After the war was over, he opened a school in Wilmington, Del. Where he achieved a good success. We were a great deal together and he was quite companionable.

During my stay in Richmond I had an abundant time to go to church. Church going was much neglected in those days, as all parades, and inspections and movements of troops seemed to be done on Sundays. I am quite sure I did not go my whole duty, not connecting myself with any church during my stay there. But matters were very uncertain and from week to week I hardly knew what would happen, and unfortunately I became careless with the rest and shamefully neglected my privileges. I attended sometime Broad St. Methodist (Dr. Duncan) and sometimes a Methodist Church at the foot of Church Hill. I made no acquaintances at either of them..Christian people though ere actively engaged looking after the spiritual interests of the soldiers. They visited the hospitals, took the sick and wounded into their home, and were full of patriotism and hope for our success. In fact in those days if any one ever dreamed of failure, it was seldom if ever hinted at by person in conversation.

Army and Navy Surgeons Medical Association - Richmond 1862 I was at the organization of the Army and Navy Surgeons Medical Association. It took place in one of the rooms of the Virginia Medical College. I was not a doctor, but a looker on, attracted by a sight of the men whose names I had often heard. I heard Dr. J. J. Chisholm, Dr. M. Michael, Dr. E.S. Galliard, and other speak, and saw the Surgeon General, S.P. Moore and many others. I think the subject of the discussion was "When should a gun-shot wound be treated as a simple incised wound and "closed-up" - if this is not the thesis, the subject took that range. The majority of speaker were inclined only in the rarest cases to close these wounds, but allow free suppuration - drainage and antiseptics were of course not employed. The application of cold water and frequent renewal of dressings was the routine.

This Society begun the issue of a medical Journal under the title of the Army and Navy Surgeons "Medical Journal," a complete copy of which I have in my library with a note from its editor, Dr. Michael, on the history of some of the later issues. It is at this date a rarity and will be very rare in a few years.

Return To Richmond After My Leave Of Absence - 1863 To return (see page 69) to my furlough and what came of it. Before my time (10 days) were up I presented myself at the Surgeon's General's Office at Richmond. I knew his reputation for abruptness, but I put on a bold face. He kept me standing a long time before he would notice me, but when I got the opportunity I presented my orders, and after looking at the paper, he said in a very cross manner, "what are you doing here, you were ordered to report to where you were?" I replied that I understood the order to mean to report where I was at the end of my leave and that I did so accordingly. My chief object was to get to Richmond and so increase my hopes of getting into the Moore Hospital, as Dr. Manson's Assistant. I was ordered to report on a certain day to the Surgeon General's Office for orders. I was promptly on hand, and my orders were very short to report to Medical Director Lafayette Guild, Army of Northern Virginia in the field. So ended my hope of being stationed in Richmond. I had been there in all about eight months, and had become so used to the comparative luxury of the life, I did not relish the idea of going into the field. But there was no hope otherwise and from what I now know, it was the turning point in my life. I escaped from some religious temptations in Richmond which afterwards overtook some of my friends there who were just as strong to resist as I, and I have no reasons to believe that I would have done any better. I was well fitted for duty in the field - I was well provided with needful clothing, and some knowledge of camp life and discipline.

I Am Ordered to Report To Medical Director In The Field - 1863 It was very disagreeable weather in February 1863 when I started to report to Army Headquarters. I took the train for Hamilton's's Crossing, a station on the Richmond and Fredericksburg R.R. and on alighting I found that Medical Director Guild's quarters were two or three miles from the station and the snow was quite deep. There was nothing to do but to plunge out into the snow, or go back to Richmond, for there was no place of public entertainment any where near. After a long drag through the melting snow I arrived at Dr. Guild's tent, and was shown without ceremony into his tent. He was an old, army officer, comfortably housed in a large marquis tent, with a broad open fire-place, which seemed quite snug and comfortable to me who had been out n disagreeable, weather. Dr. Guild was sick with gout, sitting up in a chair with his disabled foot carefully swaddled in red flannel, in a camp stool. He gave me a right cheerful welcome and offered a hot toddy for me. "What brought you out in such weather. You must be an old soldier," were his complimentary remarks. I soon entered into an agreeable conversation, and explained that I would like to be assigned to the 3^rd or 18^th N.C. Regiment. He replied that he would do the best he could, assign me to Jackson's Corps, and he had no doubt that Dr. Hunter McGuire would let me go where I desired if there was a vacancy.

My Visit To The Army Headquarters - 1863 After a pleasant hour passed in conversation, I returned to the station. By this time it was nearly night, and I had no where to go, and no prospect of a lodging even under a tent. I determined to strike out for Marye House, but they politely declined being over run with company. I struck out then in search of a place and finally arrive at Capt. Allsops about late supper time. Here my fine new over coat got me into trouble. I rapped anxiously at the door, and the proprietor himself came to the door, when I told my story and made quite an urgent request for entertainment, I was very promptly and bluntly refused. But while the old Captain stood with the door half opened one of my old friends, Major Wood of the 10^th, 23^rd or 37^th, Virginia Regiment overheard my conversation and called out, just as the Captain was shutting the door, "Why that's Dr. Wood." I was very thankful for this interposition, for as soon as I was recognized as a Confederate the old Captain gave me a warm welcome, and I was soon installed in his home, where he had many officers as guests. He explained jokingly that he took me for a "d------- Yankee" judging by my fine clothes. That spies were prowling about and that he had no idea of letting then under his roof. Captain A's house was at a place near Fredericksburg called "the Summit," situated on a high hill overlooking the town of F. His hospitality was very cordial, and when the time of departure came I was pressed to stay. But I left that next day, and made my way to Guiney's Station, where I expected to get some way to get to Jackson's Corps, then stationed at the Corbin House and towards Port Royal but meeting some old friends there I went on the Richmond.

I Meet Dr. Josh. C. Walker - My Assignment 1863 While there I met Dr. Josh. C. Walker. He was just from home and had recently married, was on his way to the 3^rd Regiment, wanted some one to take his place that he might go back to W. to take charge of the Marine Hospital in the military district of his brother-in-law, General W.H.C.Whiting. I went back to the Army and took up my quarters with the 3^rd N.C. Regiment (February 1863) then stationed at "Skinkers Neck." I found there the Rev. Mr. Patterson who had lately arrived in camp to assume his duties as Chaplain. I joined the mess at Capt. John E.S. Van Bokkelen's quarters. It was a large one, composed of Capt. V., Dr. Walker (Assistant Surgeon), Lieutenant James I. Metts, Lt. William H. Barr, Dr. James Clark, Rev. Mr. P., John Cowan, Ned Armstrong and myself. My next anxiety was to get assigned to this Regiment and borrowed a horse to make the rounds to Medical Director McGuires. The horse I rode belonged to Capt. Rhodes who was killed at Sharpsburg. He had no proper care, and the mules in search of slat, which was very scarce, had eaten the hair off his tail, leaving nothing but the bare stump. On my way to Dr. McGuire's I had to pass through the camps of several brigades, and the men crowded to the road-side amused at the appearance of my horse, and cheered and annoyed me with all sorts of jeering remarks.

I Visit Head Quarters of Stonewall Jackson And Trimble - 1863 A comic song was in vogue "Mister, Here's Your Mule," and the favorite salutation was "Here's Your Mule," "Here's your mule." I had to stand it, for it was no use to show one's temper before two or three thousand soldiers bent on having fun. I found Dr. McGuire at his tent, and for the first and only time saw "Stonewall Jackson." He had his new uniform on, given to him by the ladies after the Battle of Fredericksburg. Dr. McGuire was very kind and assigned me to Trimble's Division. Dr. Coleman was Chief Surgeon of that Division, but I had to delay my visit to his quarters until another day. Dr. Coleman was not inclined to be so accommodating as his superiors and wanted to assign me to Nichol's La. Brigade, but at another visit to his quarters I got his clerk to assign me to Taliaferro's Brigade to the 3^rd Regiment. My assignment enabled Dr. Walker to return to N.C. where he was installed as Surgeon in charge of the Marine Hospital. Dr. James F. McRee, Jr. was the Surgeon of the 3^rd Regiment at the time. He was my first preceptor, and treated me with kindness, and set me to work. Dr. M. did but little or nothing towards to the work of the Regt. except when he was called upon specially or was required by his office. He was very fond of his ease and read novels and entertained old friends nearly all of his extensive leisure.

Skinkers 3^rd Regiment - 1863 The Hospital Steward of Regt. was Geo. W. Williams, a brother of Capt. W. of the Regt. who was killed at Sharpsburg. G.W.W. was a medical student in Wilmington at one time, was good natured, attended to his duties, rather indolent, and fond of pulling teeth. One of his peculiarities was to carry his extracted teeth in a bag, and whatever else might be lost, he clung to his trophies.

My First Surgeons Call An incident of my first surgeon's call will show how far on I had gotten in medicine in ready diagnosis. A patient presented himself with an eruption of clear large vesicles about his waist on both sides. I was puzzled, not having seen it before. I noticed that the man was somewhat concerned and spoke of it as the "shingles." He was alarmed by the tradition that it was fatal, if the eruption extended around the girdle, and on this account it attracted some attention. Fortunately in military practice, the doctor was not expected to enter into explanation and soothing assurances, therefore I prescribed a lotion and dismissed the case. I went to my tent and found a copy of "Watson's Practice," and read up on the case of shingles and ever after that I made it a rule to keep my own counsel upon doubtful matters, and resort to the silent and wise counselors - good books - that treat the wise and unwise alike, if they come with industry to consul them. After this in all my professional life I made it a duty to study my cases, even though I considered myself quite familiar with them.

Skinkers's Neck Camp My stay in the Skinkers's Neck camp was a pleasant one. I had the opportunity to become acquainted with the men, and so prepare for the Spring Campaign. Not very much skill could be displayed in a camp practice, where men as soon as the became seriously sick were sent to the field hospital. My practice was principally in diagnosis and treatment of simple ailments, a good introduction to practice, and one that served me a good purpose in after life. Young men usually going into practice from civil life have to wait for patients, and get into practice very slowly. In my case I had an abundance of involuntary patients, from whom I could gather valuable information. I seldom referred to the Surgeon (Dr. McRee) as I desired at once to become self reliant and gain the confidence of the men and officers.

Captain John F.S. Van Bokkelen In this regiment were many old friends who I had not seen during the war. John Van Bokkelen, Capt. of Co. D, was the son of Mr. A.H. Van Bokkelen, of Wilmington. He was about 22 or 23, a handsome young man, with bright expressive black eyes. He was either a Harvard College graduate or was a student there when war broke out. His father clothed and cared for his men at first before the Confederate Govt. made arrangements to care for the troops.

Van Bokkelen Company "D" And His Mess The first captain to the company, was Capt. Edward Savage of Wilm. who was promoted to Lt. Col. On the promotion of Col. Cowan and death of Col. Gaston Meares the first Col. Of the Regiment. Col. Meares was killed at Malvern Hill. Col. Savage had resigned before I reached the Regt. VanB. succeeded him, and had an excellent company under good discipline, but thoroughly in love with their Captain. He was firm and lenient where he could be. He looked after the comfort of his men and saw that the lagger and skulkers did not impose upon the true and willing men; looked after their quarters and clothing; saw that they were promptly cared for when sick, and exercised a paternal care over them, although he was as young as the youngest man in ranks. At home the wives and children of every man in his company was provided for by his patriot father, Mr. A.H. VanB. And this was an additional bond which united is men to him. Capt. VanB. Was well educated, had a fine literary taste, very healthful and permeating all who came in contact with him. He had several good books in camp, and reading was indulged in to some purpose; The fewness of the books made them all the more sought after, and made all read more diligently perhaps. When I joined his mess, Bulwer's "Strange Story" had just come out in the C.S. It was the custom at the mess table to discuss which was being read, and "Strange Story" was then in full blast. I had not read the book, but I sat very day for an hour or so at camp dinner with no dessert by the discussion of the "Strange Story," until I thought I knew it by heart.

Skinker's Neck Rev. Mr. Patterson - Our Chaplain - 1863 In these discussion, VanB., Jim Clark, Rev. Mr. Patterson joined Dr. Walker having no turn that way, Bill Barr not interested, and I not knowing anything of the book. During this winter we did not play cards at all that I remember, although whist playing was quite common in a certain set, and poker playing, too prevalent in another set. VanB.'s mess was the headquarters of literary tastes and in this he was sustained by Mr. Patterson.

This last named gentleman (now Rev. Dr. G.P. living in Memphis, Tenn.) Was an Episcopal minister, and had been Chaplain to the plantation of Mr. Josiah Collins of Scuppernong Lake in Tyrell Co. in eastern North Carolina. His citizen's costume consisted of a tall, soft hat, an overcoat made of Scotch shawl stuff black and gray, and made with long flowing sleeves, some what like the cut now called by the ladies a Dolman. He was an old bachelor, fond of the society of young men, but a most exclusive Churchman of the strict construction school. Mr. P's general appearance was peculiar. He had a clumsy shuffling gait at times, owing to the clumsy shoes he always chose, was a little round shouldered and this was increased by the peculiar set of his unmilitary Dolman overcoat. He was near-sighted and went smooth-shaven and his hair cropped pretty close. He brought great animation and literary spirit into the mess, and was ready always to discuss the topic of the day. Few of the men were Episcopalians, but quite a number of the officers were, and so were some of the officers of the 1^st N.C. Infantry, so intimately associated with us all during the war, and together it was possible to get up quite a good assemblage at Sunday services. We had daily short prayers each day in our mess with reading of the scriptures. Mr. P. had some peculiar ideas about his ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the regiment, and forbade the distribution of religious tracts by colporteurs without his permission and in this Lt. Col. Thurston sustained him. But the service of the Episcopal Church was not popular with the men and I don't think that a single man was ever attracted to it although several officers were. Mr. P. was very useful towards the men, and proved his Christian love by his daily intercourse, but he was not esteemed tolerant enough of the church leaning of those not of his faith, to win any to his way of thinking.

Colonel Thurston - Skinker's Neck - 1863 Lt. Col. Stephen Decatur Thurston (he was promoted to this rank about or after the Battle of Fredericksburg Dec. 1862). He was a native of Virginia but moved to North Carolina, Smithville, when he was a young man, shortly he graduated in medicine. He attended lectures at the University of Virginia, and graduated at the University of Penn. As M.D. When he moved to Smithville, the small town did not afford enough support for him and his competitor, Dr. Walter G. Curtis, and Dr. Thurston supplemented his living by teaching school. He married Dr. Everitt's daughter. Dr. E. of Smithville, the eccentric old physician, a man of much reputation for his roughness and a certain sort of success, especially in accumulating quite a fortune. He at one time lived in Wilmington, owning the house once the residence of Gov. E.B. Dudley, now the residence of Pembroke Jones. When the war cloud was gathering, Dr. Thurston was one of the foremost men in his section to advocate secession and I think he was one of the party that took forcible possession of Fort Caswell, in advance of the secession of the State. In a campaign (political) in which secession was the issue he made earnest secession speeches. I remember his telling me of his great embarrassment during one of his attempts. There was a very eccentric and witty lady (Mrs. Dr. F.) Living at or near Smithville. She was very bright and the public generally acceded to her liberties of speech quite uncommon among the members of her sex. On the occasion referred to, Dr. T. was enumerating the causes for secession when he interrupted by an undertone voice, quite distinct to him, "That's a lie!" "That's a lie!" It did not quite disconcert him, but he said that he could scarcely hold his ground.

Skinker's 1863 - Col. Thurston When the call from President Lincoln came for 75,000 men all the state flew to arms, and John Badger Brown and Dr. Thurston raised a company in Duplin County. Brown probably raised the company, and having no military experience he yielded the highest office to Thurston. The Company was made a part of the 3^rd Regiment which was mustered into service on the 16^th of May 1861. Capt. T. took to military life as one trained to it. He was subordinate, alert, faithful and commanded as he obeyed. He was cool, decisive, and of a bright and buoyant disposition. In 1863 he was probably 39 years of age, rather below the average size. He was a good judge of human nature, read character instinctively, was a walking reference file of what was going on in the army and what was going to be. Where he got it all, nobody ever knew, but we were never surprised when Thurston told us what we were going to do, as he either knew, or had the military introspection which enabled him to forecast some likely probabilities. I had some misgivings as to how Thurston would receive me as his Assistant Surgeon knowing as he did that I entered the profession by a side door, and had not had any experience; but he became my friend (officially) at once. One matter in connection with Col. Thurston's career gave me much trouble on account of a friend and this I will speak of hereafter as it is a long story. In camp the Colonel was a good disciplinarian. The regiment had been raised on a war footing. Although the men were volunteers, they were enlisted for the war, and were from the uneducated class of farmers generally.

Skinker's - 1863 The Material of the "3^rd" There were no companies without I might mention Capt. Craig's Company from Washington and Albritton's from Gran. Co., that could be called gentlemen- that is, men and officers all of the same class or set in civil life. The men were treated at once with the strict discipline of the regular army. Col. Gaston Meares was a West Point soldier, and he instilled this spirit of discipline in the first year of the war before they had been under fire. This beginning was strenuously maintained until the end, and made the regiment what it was, one of the best of the N.C. T.

One incident will illustrate. There was a law allowing regiments to elect their own officers when a vacancy occurred. This was a bad law for the "3^rd" as an election from among the men in many instances would have given for officers those who were merely popular, and popularity with the majority of the soldiers would have its foundation in the leniency and indulgence in the man about to be promoted. The officers were strongly opposed to the law and determined to circumvent it. The first occasion was that in Capt. Savage's Company. An election for junior 2^nd Lieutenant had been ordered. It was freely discussed at regimental headquarters, and the whole matter was referred to Major W. L. DeRosset who instructed Lt. William Quince what to do. The company was ordered out in the company "street" by the Sergeant and Lt. Quince took charge.

How An Officer Was Elected (Lt. Quince announcing) "Men this is an election for the office of junior 2^nd Lt. There are two names before you - all in favor of so-and-so (the man chosen by the Colonel) will shoulder arms - Company - shoulder arms." Of course the company would not disobey such an order, and their compliance with the order was recorded as their unanimous vote. After this there was no further trouble - the Col. Nominated officers to the Governor of N.C., and he issued commissions accordingly. The policy of the Regiment was not to confine itself to its own command, by when ever they could get a good man they selected him, and so there was no great degeneration of the esprit du corps of the organization.

Major Parsley Major William Murdock Parsley was the Major when I joined the Regiment. His father, Mr. O.G. Parsley was an old and prominent citizen of Wilmington, and when the war broke out was President of the Commercial Bank. He fitted out a company at his own expense. It was known as the Mechanics Riflemen, and William Parsley was made Captain, R.S. Radcliffe, Tobe Garrison and Henry Potter (both brick masons) were Lieutenants. Parsley was not quite 21. He was undersize, but manly and a true gentleman, very much respected by his men and his superior officers. His father, like Mr. VanB. was very good to the families of the men in his son's company. By the promotion of Maj. Thurston to the Lt. Colonelcy, Captain Parsley was made Major about the end of 1862, I think.

Captain John B. Brown The promotion of Thurston to be major, promoted Brown to be Captain of his own Company. John Badger Brown was from Kenansville, Duplin Co. He was a dry-goods merchant when the war broke out, and about 21 years old. He was quite handsome and neat in his appearance, but knew nothing whatever of military life except the education he got in the "3^rd." He had an excellent company, and had his men well under control. Brown was fussy about the rights of his men, and always saw that they were well supplied with food and clothing if it could be had. He was not satisfied that the men had clothing but they must have well fitting clothes or none. There was a warm attachment between him and his men. Brown developed soldierly qualities surprisingly. It was astonishing to his old friends who knew him as the somewhat exquisite city man, always neat and apparently effeminate, to fall into military life as though he had been trained to it. His health was good, he was always at his post, he knew his rights and privileges, and maintained self-respect to a degree that made him a prominent officer. The old friendship of Thurston and Brown was interpreted by his rivals into partiality of the new Lt. Col. for the new Captain.

Skinker's Neck - 1863 Captain H.W. Horne Captain H.W. Horne, commanded Co. C from Fayetteville, Lt. Charles P. Mallett was his 1^st Officer, Lt. Graham, his 2^nd. Horne was a lawyer, rather a small man, half bald, unmilitary in his appearance and unambitious. He was exceedingly shrewd and had much of the knowledge of passing events that characterized Thurston. Like the Lt. Col. he as fond of the draw-poker and the two indulged in it more that was good for either. Co. C had good men, but not being well officiated it lacked a good deal of the spirit of the other Companies. Lt. Mallett was a good officer but was not enough in command of his company to counteract the laxity of his superior. Mallett too, was young, and did not take seriously to the cares of his situation. He was brave and devoted, though, and was relied upon. I never could quite understand why Horne never thoroughly amalgamated with the other officers, with out he was disappointed in his regimental assignment and would have preferred another regiment. He was well read and was very entertaining in his conversation, and especially when he warmed up in argument - he being a strong Calvinist - with Mr. Patterson on the Apostolic Succession. In heat of argument one day, Horne told Mr. Patterson that had he been born in the days of the Inquisition he would have been chief Inquisitor, and we had about the same opinion of Horne.

Skinker's Neck - 1863 Captain Tom Armstrong Captain Thomas E. (?) Armstrong commanded Company "K" from New Hanover. Captain Williams was the original Captain. He was killed (Capt. W.) At Sharpsburg and was a man of the most exceptional gallantry. He was rather an elderly man when he served in the Regiment. Tom Armstrong succeeded him, having Lt. Kitchen Powers and Ormsby as his Lieutenant. This was an excellent Company and was as good as the best in the Army. I did not know Tom Armstrong intimately as he was a new acquaintance and was killed within a few months after I joined the Regiment.

Captain Ned Armstrong Captain E.H. Armstrong commanded Co. "G" an Onslow Co., raised by Captain Rhodes. He was a young man about 21, a graduate, or a student of the University of N.C. He was beardless, fat, of a florid complexion, fresh and plump as a girl, and having as much gentleness of a girl. He was a man of the most rigid adherence to his duty. While amiable and affectionate and careful of the feeling of others, he never hesitated to do his duty however disagreeable. He was very brave, but strange to say he was not a secessionist, did not believe that we could succeed against the North, and didn't consider it desirable if we could because of the dissensions which would spring up in the new Confederacy, but always deported himself in the battle with the coolest courage. Of course he kept his opinions for his intimate friends. He was remarkable fortunate in battle having gone through every battle of his Regt. to the 10^th of May 1864 at Spotsylvania without a scratch.

Captain William Thomas Ennett Co. "E" was commanded by an old friend Capt. W.T. Ennett. He was born at Stump Swamp, Onslow Co., was a graduate of the University of N.C. He was about 22, and succeed Captain Red the original Captain of his Co. Red was sheriff of Onslow but made a poor Captain and resigned early in the war, leaving Ennett his successor. Captain E. got all his military training in the Regiment, and thoroughly imbibed the spirit of the organization. He was very popular with his men, and had them well under command, besides being kind as a friend. His Company material was excellent. The men were sounders of the uneducated class, but tough, witty and brave. Ennett had the respect of his superiors for his close attention to his duties, and his bravery. He was not a very strong man, and camp life developed rheumatism, but for all that he was faithful during the four years, seldom absent from the Regt., and commanded the Brigade at Appomattox.

Lt. Cicero H. Craig Co. "I" was raised in Washington, by Capt. Arch. Craig. He offered a commission of Lt. To his nephew Cicero Craig, who accepted it in 1862, I think. Cicero Craig was a school mate of mine. His father John Craig was tailor. Cicero was rather a singular lad- somewhat weakly, not disposed to study, did not show any considerable intellectual capacity, except that he wrote a beautiful hand - most rapidly, and could cipher quickly and accurately. In 1860 he was before the U.S. District Court for enlisting in a "filibustering expedition with the Knights of the Golden Circle," whose design was to capture Nicaragua. I forget the sentence of the court, but Cicero went out to Memphis then, and was assistant in the County Court Clerk's office, and when the war broke out he joined the Oglethorpe Light Infantry of Augusta, Ga., and was in the Campaign under Gen. Lee in the battles fought in West Virginia.

Craig's account of these battles and the diagrams of the fields were very interesting and showed considerable acquired ability above that which I knew of him as a timid school boy. This campaign awoke in him a military ambition and daring which never deserted him. This calls to mind that he had no official connection with his Uncle's Co. 1 (3^rd Regiment) until at the Battle of Sharpsburg he won his appointment by volunteering to burn a barn in which the enemy's sharpshooters were lodged. In this act I think James Clark was also a volunteer and for which he was promoted.

Craig had few intimates in the Regiment. He kept closely in his quarters, read and wrote a great deal, and studied most thoroughly tactics and army regulations. He was greatly animated by the adventures of the conspicuous men in the war, and built a great many castles and devised many schemes of enterprise for the dull months of winter. None of these plans saw the light, but I know what was the original cause of Craig's dislike of Thurston, but I know that Craig was irreconcilable and insubordinate. I know that he was put in arrest after a tour of picket duty the Regt. made at Port Royal, while we were still at camp at Skinker's. Craig was charged with leaving his post, and his defense involved the gentlemanly deportment of the colonel. All the remaining days of winter were spent by Craig in arrest in his quarters, during which time he was active in writing his defense and studying military law. I visited him often and was surprised in these conversations with the restlessness he displayed.

Lt. Armond L. DeRosset Co. "H" was raised by Theodore Sikes, a dentist from Bladen Co. I heard that he had proven himself a very poor and untrustworthy soldier, and had resigned, I believe. This put Armand DeRosset in command of the Company as first Lt. And Bob Lyon as 2^nd. I saw but little of Armond in camp as he was wounded at Sharpsburg and did not return to camp until the Chancellorsville Campaign began, May 1863.

Lt. Tobe Garrison Garrison was a young mechanic who succeeded Radcliffe, who succeeded Parsley in command of Co. "F" the Wilmington Mechanics Riflemen. He was a brave fellow, uneducated, and not at all a favorite in his Company. Henry Potter was another Lt. in the same Company. Altogether this company was the poorest officiated in the Regiment.

Skinker's Co. "A" - 1863 Captain Albritton This company was one of the best in the Regiment. There was a greater majority of educated men than in any other. From its ranks its officers were generally selected. Walter Clarke, the excellent Regimental Ordinance Sergeant was chosen from it. Albritton's 1^st Lt. was Lane, a very gentlemanly officer who was captured at Spotsylvania.

Adjutant Theodore C. James By the promotion of Adj. W.A. Cumming to be Captain, these was a vacancy and Theodore Calhoun James who was at the time a private in the "3^rd" Cavalry, was chosen to fill the vacancy. James entered the service as a Private in the Wilmington Light Infantry of the 18^th regiment, and was mustered out at the expiration of his 12-month term. He was a very conscientious, ambitious and brave young man. He had a high conception of honor, and lived up to his model as faithfully as most me. He was an ardent Confederate, and entered upon his duties with enthusiasm. His addition to the corps of officers was a most excellent acquisition for while he had never been in an engagement, his courage was undoubted. As an Adjunct he was impartial, and rather undisguisedly impatient of the short-comings of his brother officers. James was rather tart sometimes, but the cause was usually the lack of conscientious duty on the part of others, for when he trusted a man, it was hard to shake his confidence. In fact Theodore carries his like and dislikes farther than this- his friends could do no wrong. At the time he joined the Regiment he was a ruddy, fair-cheeked boy, about 22, considerably under size, but vigorous and alert, fond of camp life, and the friends he fell among in his new post were mostly all friends, and just such company as he would have chosen. He became a favorite from the first, and a "pet" officer from the first. This does not mean that he did not have some strong enemies, because to say this would be to say that the Regiment had no officers fond of neglecting their irksome duties of camp. I had known Theodore all his life. I had been at school with him, and saw him frequently, as a soldier, and personally his arrival was a welcome to me, and he from the first gave me his confidence as a friend, and what was still stranger, as a patient, for he had known nothing of me as a doctor. He settled down into his duties very easily as well he might, with nearly everything in his favor.

The Ambulances And The Ambulance Corps. The rule in force (1863) was that two two-mule or two-horse ambulances were allotted to each regiment. The ambulances were plain spring wagons without cushions, the bedding of the wounded men being such straw or hay as the driver was able to collect in the emergency. The driver had a seat in front on a box, and in this box he carried his possessions. The drivers of one of our ambulances was Thomas Jefferson Capps, from Onslow County of the other Ward from Greene Co. These ambulances were under control of the Medical Officers of the Regiment. The Ambulance Corps consisted of twenty men- two from each company. These men were selected with care, generally because of the physical strength and personal courage of the men. They were relieved from general camp duty and instead did irregular duties as were assigned them besides having a considerable liberty. They all willingly assisted the doctors in their personal matters. Each regiment was allowed a hospital cook and a medical knapsack bearer. Dr. McRee had selected from the ambulance corps one of the strongest men they had, Bishop, from Co. "C" as cook, and he held the place for a long time. Morton was my knapsack bearer. He was a young man from Onslow Co. He was a short stout boy, about 23 and carried the hospital knapsack and his own with perfect ease, and was always ready to do extra duty when called upon. He was a picture of smiling good-nature, under the most trying circumstances. Food might be scarce but Morton always had something for the Surgeon's Mess. Between Bishop and Morton we could always count on having all that was going - a good camp, food for ourselves and horses, a good camp fire and all the new of the day.

Captain R.F. Langdon Captain Richard F. Langdon, was promoted from Lieut. In the 1^st to be Quartermaster of our Regiment. He was a native of Wilmington and had served through the Sharpsburg Campaign in the line. His selection was a good one. He had good business habits and camp life suited his particular disposition. In camp he was the central figure in card parties and good times generally. He had been in California during the prevalence of the "gold fever" and had had some rough experiences. He could tell very entertaining stories, was well read, and a sharp man of the world. He knew his duties and prerogative as a Quartermaster, and gave general satisfaction in that capacity.

I believe I have written enough of the military family of the "3^rd" to give an idea of its officers. The whole Regiment was under different discipline from that I remembered in the "18^th" - all the difference between a "regular" and a "volunteer" regiment. Privates were required to be respectful to non-commissioned officers and officers, and it was quite habitual in our camp. Such was the habit, too, between officers. Although I might "mess" eat and sleep with the Colonel, I would be as quickly reproved for not being on hand at Surgeon's Call (5 or 6 in the morning in winter) as though I had been on the most formal relations.

My first duty on the march was to answer to an alarm sounded at the threatening of cavalry at the ford of the Rappahannock at Port Royal. When we arrived there it happened that the enemy had abandoned their efforts, and the Brigade stacked arms to rest. I rode to the head of the line to get permission from the Col. to look fore something to eat and to see the village. When the men of another regiment, perceiving that I was a new officer by my new uniform, saluted me as I rode along the line, "No danger now, Doctor to the front," seemed to enjoy my confusion very much. There was no way to stop it of course and I , like many another man endured it. This was the custom in our Army, and sometimes extended to the officers of the same regiment by the men. After I was fairly initiated though, I seldom had to stand such taunts. I have known the like to be done to a General. On one occasion General George H. Stewart, commanded his own and a Louisiana Brigade. When they halted in camp one night special orders were sent out that no fence rails were to be burnt. Stewart's own Brigade obeyed his command but the Louisianians' helped themselves quite freely to the rails of the fences. The next day he ascertained the names of the Co.'s and Regt. and ordered that the expense of the rails be paid by them. In a few days Stewart was relieved from the command by the arrival of General Nichols, and as Stewart rode passed this La. Brigade, the men called out "rails." At first he turned in his saddle to mark the men to demand their punishment, but pretty soon it was taken up by so many voices - "rails," "rails," "rails," that he had to beat a retreat, and complain to General Nichols, which amounted to nothing, for Nichols had no control over his men in such things. Discipline was very poor in his Brigade, but the men fought very well; after the battles they were largely plunderers. They were composed of about three Regiments of Irish Catholics to one of Protestants.

May 1863 Spring was now opening beautifully. In order to supplement the monotonous food of soldiers and prevent scurvy, the ambulance corps was sent out to collect wild onions for the men and also water-cress. The theory was good but the practice was not successful. But spring was not far advanced when we received orders to cook three days rations and prepare for a march which we knew to be the opening of the Spring Campaign. One of the shrewd officers smelt (scented) the battle afar off, and got on the sick list before I had the slightest intimation that a Campaign was to open, thus throwing me off my guard entirely. This trick was well-known in the regiment, and loudly complained of by his men, as his absence from a battle was not only unjust to his company but to the officers below him. The Regiment was quite well prepared for the Campaign, having pretty full ranks, i.e. deducting the men lost in the bloody battle of Sharpsburg. The men and officers were all in fine spirits. After several changes, General R.E. Colston, formerly a professor at the Virginia Military Institute, and an officer who was at the 1^st Battle of Mannassas, was put in command. He was a very courteous officer and well skilled in military tactics.

We took up our line of march in the direction of Fredericksburg, joining other commands in the march until the whole of Jackson's corps had gathered on the Rappahannock in a broad plain in sight of Hooker's Army in the opposite shore. We were expecting an immediate battle and everything was in readiness, but after watching Hooker's movements for a day or so, our whole corps was moved from in front of the enemy with bands playing and colors flying and were soon marching at a brisk pace in the direction of Chancellorsville. The movement was shrouded in mystery to officers and men. The strictest orders and details of march were kept up. After a march of an hour, a 5 or 10 minute halt was made for rest. The men were not allowed to get out of ranks for water, but the ambulance corps collected canteens filling and returning them. The Assistant Surgeon rode at the rear of the Regiment with the Major, and his duty was to examine and prescribe for men complaining and to write permits for men disabled. A man found straggling without his permit was arrested by the rear guard, which marched at the rear of every Brigade and brought them up in time of battle. General Jackson's directions for marching were imperative and were carried out to schedule. None of us knew where we were going. Every man was taxed to the utmost of his strength to keep up. It was quite hot for the season and many were overcome by diarrhea and exhaustion owing to the sudden change from inactive camp life with unchanged food, to great exertion and drinking too much water, and water of any kind that the ambulance corps could get. It was estimated that on the last day of our march around Hooker's right flank we made 25 miles. It was Jackson' rule to strike a blow at the time he appointed if his ranks were ever so much reduced by straggling. It seemed to me form the men who fell out that about one third of our corps was left on the roadside. It was late in the day when we were formed into line of battle. I believe the 2^nd of May. Our Brigade was composed of the 10^th, 23^rd, 37^th Va. And 1^st and 3^rd N.C. Regiments. No enemy was visible and no preliminary skirmish fire announced an approach of battle, but line after line was formed in the narrow roadway and on each side of the old plank road. The men went in with a yell which was very noisy and exciting and it could be heard above the rattle of musketry. The woods on each side of the roads was a perfect wildness of small trees, so close together that it was impossible to maintain a line. As I followed up the line I noticed that there was very little return of fire. Soon prisoners began pouring in the rear. They were mostly Germans even to the officers, and I heard for the first time, what afterwards became an Army byword, "We fights mit Siegel and runs mit Howard." It turned out that we had struck Howard's Army Corps, completely surprising them and with very little loss of life on either side, secured a large number of prisoners and a great deal of camp plunder. I dressed saber wounds, inflicted on some of our cavalry inflicted in person of some of our men, for the first and only time I saw any during the war.

My duties as Assistant Surgeon were to go along with the Regiment on the field, and dress wounds of the men as they fell out and came to the rear. Only those cases needing immediate attention ever applied, but in stopping to dress wounds we got pretty well to the rear, and so we were not subjected to the hottest firing. Surgical appliances were very simple. Me ambulance man carried a canteen of whiskey and one of water. We had sponges, bandages, ligatures, and necessary medicines - usually morphine and opium.

Surgical instruments were so scarce that it was not every Assistant Surgeon who had a pocket case, so that having none myself, or a very poor one, Dr. L.C. Coke of the 1^st N.C. and I went together on the field and mutually assisted each other being drawn together by reason of being both attached to N.C. Regts. It was all we could do to keep any where within reach of the Brigade, so rapidly did they move to the front. Their only obstacle seemed to be the tangle of wilderness. Finding beef on the fire and coffee in the pots, as they went through the enemy's camp they snatched food and ate as they ran, for they were all desperately hungry. At night there was a hlt to reform the confused line and Coke and I went on the field with a lantern to look after the wounded and to take note of the dead of our Regiments. We found none, but attended to all we came across, of friends or foes. Just as we were turning over a badly wounded or dead man, the artillery opened in the clearing at a tremendous rate. The clean space on each side of the road was very narrow, perhaps not more than 100 yards - and all the artillery was concentrated there. Shells and shrapnel rattled around us for awhile so that we were obliged to lie down until it was over. This firing we now know was the fatal engagement brought on by General Jackson's imprudent reconnaissance in person. He was wounded and is well known fatally. That night we spent under a tree in the yard of a little house by the road side, attending the wounded and finally lying down to sleep for a short while. I was awake very early and found that I had been lying down next to a dead man, and the dead and wounded were all around me. The battle opened on Saturday evening. General Trimble, our Division Commander, and was disabled by old wounds, and his command devolved on General Colston our Brigadier, and our Brigade fell to the command of Col. E.F.H. Warren of the 10^th Va. Who was wounded on the afternoon of Saturday. During the night of Saturday the enemy had thrown up some strong field works. I went all over it after the battle, and the one attacked by our Brigade was on the right of the road looking towards Chancellorsville. They filled a number of trees and twined telegraph wire among them in front of their works, and in trying to make my way over the "abattis" - felled trees with their sharpened trunks and limbs - I found it difficult to do. What it must have been to the men under a fierce fire. Sunday morning though, it was found that their works had to be taken, and here the hottest of the fight took place. It was not known then by many that Jackson was wounded. The wounded came to the rear in large numbers, from the 3^rd and only one ambulance could be found. Ward's Capps had disappeared. On inquiry it turned out that after Jackson was wounded and officer went to the rear to get an ambulance to volunteer to go to the front to bring off an officer. The name of the officer was not made know from had it been there would have been numerous volunteers. It was thought best not to make it known that the Army had met with such a disaster. Capps, my ambulance driver, volunteered and drove down the plank road under fierce fire that I have spoken of as occurring Saturday night, and brought General Jackson off the field, and carried him far to the rear. Those who knew the particulars considered Capp's undertaking a very brave act. As Jackson was brought off the field no one was allowed to know who it was. But Sunday's battle was fought under the leadership of General J.E.B. Stuart, A.P. Hi., the next in command being wounded, and Stuart being the senior. The conflict although bloody was not long. Capt. Tom Armstrong was killed, Col. Thurston was wounded in the foot, Maj. Parsley struck in the chest, Capt. Ennett, Capt. Van Bokkelen, Lt. Barr and so many of our Regiment I cannot recall. As the wounded were now pouring in and our medical forces was entirely insufficient, I was fatigued. In the midst of it, I got an order from the Surgeon, Dr. McRee to come to the field Hospital near the Lacy House to assist him. It was two miles to the rear. I found the improvised hospital to consist of a few small houses, and a number of hospital tents. Dr. McRee was the Senior Surgeon of the Brigade, and conceived it to be his office to superintend the other surgeons, and that my duty was at the Hospital in his place as Surgeon and not upon the field. This opinion of his met with much opposition, and caused him with other things to resign after the battle was over. It afforded me opportunity to do some surgery which usually fell to the lot of the Surgeon. My first case was amputation just below the shoulder joint. There was no escape from it and it was necessary to save the man's life. I had for an assistant - not Dr. McRee, nor did I get his counsel in any helpful way - my assistant was an old Hospital man, Arnett and the Hospital Stewart of the 1^st. I succeeded quite well, but for many years after I worried as to the final results, of this my first amputation. After the war my doubts were over come. An old man named Everett came regularly to sell us oysters. I did not remember him exactly, but he knew me very well. I ventured to ask him who amputated his arm, when he replied, "I think you ought to know, you done it yourself." Although amputation near the shoulder is not a remarkable piece of surgery, then or now few young surgeons in the war ever knew how their maiden cases turned out, and I was very pleased to discover that my first case had recovered and survived the war over 20 years. This was my real introduction into surgery and a trying one it was, as I had to rely upon ready wit more than to assistance from my superiors, who were far too busy to look after me.

One incident of the Sunday's Battle (3^rd May) was told by Ned Armstrong which I think worth relating. One of the guns of a battery in front of our line was disabled. It seemed to be a favorite spice, and a party of 4 gunners came up under fire, dismounted it from the carriage and carried it off the field. I asked Capt. A. what he did then. He said that he was so lost in admiration at the act that the men ceased firing for a moment. I believe they got their piece safely away.

Our field hospital was moved to Caledonia Mine, an abandoned mine, expecting that we would have more wounded but the enemy retreated by way of Ely's or U.S. fords on the Rappahannock, and we were left on the field.

An incident in this battle was remarkable. In one of the charges of one of our Regiment on Sunday morning (3^rd) they were repulsed and the color beared Butler of Co. C was wounded and fell within the enemy's lines. He tore the flag from the staff and held it under his clothes. In another charge the enemy was driven, and the advancing line met Butler coming to the rear mounted on a horse being led by a captured Federal. There was great rejoicing at the recapture of Butler, and the safety of the flag. In this charge, Lt. afterwards Capt. E. Porter, now Dr. Porter, was seriously wounded with a fracture of the right thigh.

When the battle ceased we heard of the serious wounding of Jackson and of his death a week later - the 10^th of May, 1863. This date was afterwards selected as the one for decorating of graves of those who were killed or died of disease during the war, and is observed as "Memorial Day," to this day.

Our brigade was badly crippled in this fight and at its close, Maj. H.A. Brown of the 1^st was left in charge, and the Brigade in charge of the battlefield. In this way I had a chance to go over it, and learn items which could not be ascertained during a battle. I was surprised to notice how nearly our whole corps passed to the enemy's line at Caledonia Forge, in our march around the flank of Hooker. The most appalling sight was the wounded in the burnt woods. In a small space the woods caught fire from our shelling and a number of killed and wounded were lying there. Some of them had been carried off, but some of the badly wounded who could not get away were charred in the very agony of their contortions. It was a sickening sight. Dead horses and dead men, that had only been slightly covered had been washed bare by the heavy rains that occurred after the battle. The road from the Chancellor House was strewn with dead horse and abandoned wagons, etc., etc. The temporary earth work thrown up about the Chancellor house had for its basis the knapsacks of the soldiers, and when it was discovered the plundered were busy enough demolishing the works for the plunder. Large quantities of medicines packed beautifully were captured, and especially from one well near an old saw-pit, we recovered chloroform, ether, etc., etc., in metal cases with screw tops from the laboratory of E.R. Squibb of Brooklyn, it was the first I had seen of his now famous chemicals, although I knew of his reputation, and of his severe accident from the explosion of an ether retort sometime in 1859 (?).

It was determined that there should be an exchange of the wounded, and our Brigade was put in the charge of the exchange. I went down to the Ford (U.S. or Ely's between the two) and saw Hooker's Pontoon Corps throw a pontoon bridge over the river. It was done in a very short time. Every man knew his duty and his position and they went through the drill more lively because the spectators from our Brigade. We were then all under a flag of truce. As soon as the bridge was laid, 200 almost new ambulances were driven over and parked on our side of the Rappahannock. They were under the command of a Capt. and Sergts. And made enough display to put our Confederate appliances to shame. Dr. Morris J. Asche, Assistant Surgeon U.S.A. came over as the medical officer in command, and we had frequent conversations. It was hard to make him and other Federals believe that Stonewall Jackson was dead. They had so often heard this on other occasions and found the next thing that he was booming away on their flanks or rear, that they considered the news a ruse de guerre. Dr. Asche was very pleasant. He had a copy of Stephen Smith's manual of surgery and a little book of instructions about minor operations in the field, for which I exchanged a copy of our Confederate States Medical Regulations. Their exchange party was provided with everything needful, and the removal of the wounded did not take but two or three days.

A characteristic scene occurred during this exchange between Rev. Mr. Patterson and Judge Wright of Lowell, Mass. Who came over to recover the body of his son who was mortally wounded and afterwards died in our hospital. Mr. Patterson had shown him some attention during his dying hours, and they retired into one of the ambulances to talk it over. Towards the last the conversation grew louder and louder, until we heard Judge Wright say, "O, Mr. Patterson he was a glorious boy and he died in a glorious cause." Mr. Patterson replied and came back out of the ambulance, "Excuse me, sir, but the cause of the Devil." Judge Wright followed him up with tearful eyes, and soon a reconciliation occurred and the pair were soon again engaged in conversation. The intercourse between the officers on both sides was generally of a very pleasant sort, and but little references of a disagreeable sort was made to the affairs of the war.

The stench of the old Battle field in a week was awful owing to the dead horses, which had been bared by the rain. It was very remarkable that there were no buzzards seen.

In one of our strolls over the old field I took a cow path and followed it to examine into the nature of the dense woods and wilderness. I there discovered a dead Confederate, in half recumbent position with a haversack full of biscuits. The poor fellow had evidently wandered after he was wounded and lost himself in the mazes of the forest. His name was on some part of his trappings but it has been so long I have forgotten it.

When we changed camps we moved to the neighborhood of Fredericksburg, near to Capt. Allsop's - the old gentleman at whose house I was formerly entertained. Here our ranks were recruited by the return of many of our officers and men, and our ranks were soon respectable although at our best we did not have but a little over 300. The camp chosen was a healthy one, and everything was done to secure the health of the men. Dr. McRee was now retired from the Regiment, and I was left in charge until Dr. M's vacancy was filled by a newly appointed surgeon Dr. Walker Washington. Up to this time he had been a country doctor, and had no experience with soldiers or military surgery and was rather too old for active campaigning. He was born and lived all his life near Fredericksburg - Woodpecker was his farm or his post office - and was an old bachelor until late in life. He was exceedingly anxious to do the right thing, but was little disposed to put any confidence in those under him - and most of all he suspected every soldier who claimed to be sick, and it made my duties all the more burdensome. I knew the men and they would rather suffer then have him examine them.

A very rare incident occurred in our camp at this time. In the La. Regiment there were vivandiers, females who went about with the army as washer women and sutler. The sutler of a La. Regiment, concluded to get married to one of these women, and Mr. Patterson was asked to perform the ceremony. At the appointed time the party met in my tenet - which was also Mr. Patterson's as we messed together - and the tent was soon crowded and packed. It could not have held more than twenty, it seemed to me, pack them ever so closely. The only light was a tallow candle stuck into a bayonet socket, and the bayonet stuck in the ground. As soon as the ceremony was about to conclude and Mr. Patterson was about to pronounce them man and wife, some one blew out the candle and the confusion was so great that in the scramble to get out the men nearly tore our old tent from its fastenings. I don't know how the bide and groom fared as they disappeared in the darkness, but the frolic of the "boys" was immense. I believe Mr. P. had on a former occasion married a couple in the La. Brigade.

The rest was not a very long but a very much desired one, and I enjoyed it heartily - to change the din of battle and the hardships for comparative ease in camp. We got together some books although our baggage had been sent on to Richmond and stored, as was our custom when the Spring Campaign was about to commence. The rest was broken after a while by an order to examine all the men in camp and send to the hospital all not able to march. After I had completed the examination, the Surgeon, Dr. Washington, noticing how large the was, went over my examinations and struck some of my excused men from the list and among the number was Capt. Van Bokkelen. He with others were obliged to travel in the ambulances. In the case of Capt. VanB. it was found that his malady had increased so much since he left camp that he had to be left at Woodville, a small village on our line of march. He was afterwards carried to Richmond where he died. Dr. W. was hardly to blame for his misjudgment in this matter, but his desire to be scrupulously conscientious in what he did caused him to distrust the opinion of others, and his experience in field work was insufficient, and besides he was not acquainted with the officers and men individually. I very soon quietly ignored my superior when I could do so with out an open rupture.

This march was begun sometime in June. Great changes had taken place in our army organization. Lt. Col. parsley was in command of the regiment, General George H. Stewart of Maryland of the Brigade, Major General Edward Johnson, of the division, Lt. General Ewell, of the Corps in the place of Jackson. General Colston was relieved of his command because of his bad management in the Battle of Chancellorsville as a Division Commander.

General Stewart was an excellent organizer and disciplinarian. He was a Capt. of the Cavalry in the regular army, and in his new position gave great attention to the physical well-being of man and beast. His camps were always models of cleanliness, and his horses and ,mules were always in good condition, his men well clothed, and the greatest order prevailed in everything. On the march he was very strict, and notices the slightest irregularity of officers. We reached the neighborhood of Winchester and then found that we had to have a battle with Milroy. Our Brigade was marched around to Stevenson's Station and the attack was commenced on the other side - S. side of the town, by the Stonewall and J.M. Jones's Brigade - and Early's Division.

About this time I believe, a price had been set upon the head of President Davis, and Milroy was particularly offensive to the Confederates and they determined to capture him if possible. Stewart's Brigade was stationed at the point by which he was expected to escape. Sure enough after a short contest Milroy was dislodged from Winchester and his retreating army driven towards our command. The fighting for a short while was very hot. The artillery of a section had become disabled and matters were about to go badly with us, when the Lt. of the 1^st Regiment volunteered with other men, and fought the guns with great effect. Milroy escaped and we lost men in killed and wounded. Capt. Kon'ch. Powers was badly wounded, as well as many others, and all were taken to Jordan's Spring. This was a place of summer resort, but during the war was not occupied, and it made an excellent hospital. We had quite a rest here for a few days. I had a "practical" joke played upon me here which I must ell you about. I wanted to take a bath, and looking in the bath room found that the tanks were empty, and I would have to pump water form my own use. This I did, first hanging my haversack in the bath room, very confidently. This haversack was not for food, as was usually the case, but a satchel containing all my toilet articles - toothbrush, towels, comb, soap, Bible and prayer book, writing material, needle and thread, buttons, pins, collars, etc. and a bottle of brandy sent from Wilmington, to be used in case of need. I pumped pretty hard and was in a way to enjoy my bath, when lo, upon descending the platform steps to the bathrooms, I found that the door was shut and that someone was inside enjoying a bath at my expense. Such pranks were so frequently played that I was not surprised, and taking my seat at the foot of a large tree, where I could detect the rogue. Fatigue of the night before had tired me out, and while on watch I fell asleep and he escaped from the room carrying off my "haversack." It was a considerable loss as none of the articles could be bought, and from Winchester to Gettysburg and back again I had to resort to the primitive plan of the country people, and make my "bresh" from a twig.

The horse I begun the Campaign with, had a sore back and had to be led, leaving me afoot. I though I had secured a horse from one of our Colonels. I did not go around on the flank with the Brigade, but after the battle came directly through the town. There I met Col. B. having a good saddle horse he had captured. The Col. was under the influence of liquor and was in search of whiskey and gave me the horse for a canteen of whiskey. The horse was a good one but it did not serve me lone, as a quartermaster found it out, and took charge of him. I was therefore obliged to pursue my journey on foot.

I believe there were altogether 800 horses and mules captured, and many prisoners. After the defeat of Milroy and the enemy was in full retreat Col. Brown of the 1^st N.C. conceived this idea of following up the victory by pursuit, and so mounted his men on all sorts of horses without saddles. But the men were unused to riding and began falling out one by one until the pursuit was abandoned as fruitless.

From Winchester we marched to Shepardstown, crossing the Potomac there. When we had gone into camp, Mr. Patterson conceived the idea of going back into Shepardstown to call upon the Rev. Dr. (somebody), an Episcopal minister, thinking that by the ministerial brotherhood we would be invited to take supper. It was a miscalculated visit, for the Rev. Dr. was a violent Unionist, and extended no civilities whatsoever, and the disappointed parson and I took up our journey camp ward. As we reached the river a tremendous thunderstorm came up and by the time we had forded the river we were throughly wet. I had no other clothes, and had to ring mine out and lie down between a pair of borrowed blankets hoping to have some tolerably dry garments by day.

All was excitement now in the Army. We had come on a campaign of invasion and every thing was hopeful. The Army was in fine condition. The poorly men and straggler and camp followers were pretty well sifted out, and all the commands I had knowledge of, were in excellent condition. We made an accession to our Brigade of the Maryland Battalion. It was a fine command composed of Md. Secessionists who had come South, and with the exception of Capt. Torsch's company of Irish Catholics, they were in the best sense of the word, gentlemen. I heard that the Regt. opposed being brigaded with N.C. troops, and were not in any good humor about it when they saw it was inevitable.

The day after we arrived in Maryland we halted a day near Sharpsburg and had an opportunity of seeing parts of the battlefield. It was a most bloody field for our Regt. "3^rd" N.C. Sept. 1862 losing as we did 23 out of 27 officers and many men. The march of the invasion was welcomed by some Southern sympathizers, but they were very few. The old theory that Maryland would rise in revolt and join the Confederates was no longer indulged in.

General Lee issued the strictest orders about our march. No plundering was allowed, no straggling. The people were to be treated courteously, and when it was necessary for the army, authorized agents were to seize what was wanted and either give Confederate money or a receipt for such property. The people had no use for our money and preferred receipts, these receipts after the war, were evidences of the property captured by the enemy and were paid for, I believe, by the U.S. after the war. Our men treated the citizens with marked kindness. I do not remember a case of wanton destruction or indecency by or men, although there may have been some. If citizens remained quietly at home they would not be molested. If they hid their property is was considered lawful capture, but if not it was to be paid for in the way stated above.

Most of the men composing our army were from the country, but they were surprised at the neat and orderly appearances of the farms, and particularly of the excellent condition of the turnpikes. At nearly every farm house the wagons had only three wheel and the horses had been driven away except now ana then, and an old worn out plow horse - heavy, clumsy old animals that were of no use to us. Our marching was very easy over the smooth roads, and food was abundant. We traveled unmolested for many days, until just before we reached Chambersburg (Pa.) Our Brigade was detached to attack a body of Pa. Militia supposed to be hanging on our flanks in a small village, McConnellsburg. We made 27 miles that day, part of which was up the mountain. I felt the march very much, as I was on foot, my poor old horse still being led, on account of his sore back. The scenery was beautiful as we ascended the mountain, and here and there slight obstacles had been place across the road, but the militia fled on our approach, and there was no resistance. We camped on the side of the mountain above the town, and the next morning marched towards Chambersburg. An amusing thing occurred as we started off. The people were driven from necessity of making tar from the mountain pines and a few barrels were lying on the road side. As soon as the N.C. Soldiers spied the tar, like a lot of school children, they commenced to cheer as though some great event had happened. Poor fellows, the sight and smell of tar reminded them of homes which many of them had seen for the last time. Our N.C. soldiers had the nickname of "tar heels," but it is not known how it came about, but probably due to the fact that the best known commodity of the state was tar (pitch and turpentine) and associating this with the tenacity of our men in battle, and the number of them on every field in Virginia, the name originated. I remember on one occasion, one night when we were marching around Hooker's flank we went into bivouac, and had already lighted our camp fires, when an Alabama Regt. or Brigade came upon the ground near by. As soon as they discovered that we were North Carolinian they commenced derisively crying out "Tar Heels." Unfortunately for the Alabamian, the 6^th Ala., behaved badly in one of the battles, before Richmond, and poured to the rear. Their Col. foremost in the race yelling out "Steady 6^th Alabama." It did not take our men long to find out who their new friends were, and they set-up the cry "steady, 6^th Alabama, here's your good, old Colonel behind a stump." This latter half of the clause had been added to the story, but it silenced the taunters of the "Tar Heels" very effectively. Our men always took the nick name very good naturedly, and became very proud of it, as their repeated acts of valor gained for them good reputations as soldiers.

The presence of an army in the quiet and peaceful settlement of Pa. Created quite a stir, although the inhabitants were stoic and undemonstrative, generally being concerned chiefly about their horses, and cows and spring houses. Ascending the mountain in our march, McConnellsburg looked like a miniature village, as though you could throw your hat over it and cover it. The road was beautiful and at the top was a sine spring from which the water was carried in wooden troughs to the village at the foot of the mountains. We saw only the women in these little villages, and many of them were on their front porches, barefooted, and amused the men very much by calling them "rebels" and tramps. I saw a doctor's sign here, and went in thinking that I might get some medicine for a sick man, but was pretty frankly refused. The settlers here are of German descent, and many of them speak among themselves "Pennsylvania Dutch." They are excellent farmers, and their fine barns and rather poor squatty houses, and large out-of-doors ovens were a continual cause of remark by our men. In the villages the houses were mostly of brick and far ahead of the homes of the majority of our farmer-soldiers. It looked like a pity that there was a necessity for it, but I saw a whole battalion of artillery driven into a fine field of ripe timothy and clover to get their fill for the night. Our ambulance drivers and our wagons drivers were required to pull grass for their mules and horses at every hours rest, and they were sleek and fat as compared with their condition in Va.

I remember that some old farmers came to General Stewart complaining that their horses had been taken - it seems that they had been secreted in the mountains and were claimed by us as war captures. The General was very sharp on them, and they went off without getting much satisfaction. Stewart and all the men, especially the Md. Battalion had hopes that we were going right into Baltimore, and were very jubilant. We marched through Chambersburg and on towards Carlisle. Early's Division was in advance, and reached Carlisle but we did not.

We went into camp everyday at 5 or 6 o'clock, and my knapsack bearer always had a few fat hens at his girdle, and we enjoyed a chicken stew, some good Penn. bread and butter, and I believe some real coffee. Mr. Patterson, Dr. Washington and I went into mess together. On one occasion despatching this meal which was dinner and supper, Dr. W. called up Morton, "Where did you get these chickens, Morton?" "I flank 'em, Sir." The Doctor had not learned many of the army phrases, was a strict constructionist and a matter-of-fact sort of old gentleman and was not to be fooled with. "What do you mean by flanking them?" Morton could only repeat what he had already said, when the Doctor burst upon him in a storm of indignation, "You mean you stole them, sir?" etc., etc. Morton only smiled and made no defense when Mr. Paterson came to his relief, "Doctor," said he in a somewhat quizzically way, "Isn't it a little singular that you only found out you had stolen chicken for dinner after you have enjoyed a hearty meal?" and more such pungent remarks and our dapper little surgeon quieted down into a little more serene spirits, more like a man who had enjoyed a good meal, at a "Crack" hotel.

We received to countermarch, retracing our steps until we reached Fayetteville or Fairfield; finding Longstreet's Corps there in camp. We marched through Thad Stevens Coal or Iron Mines in Caledonia Pass in the mountains. Stevens was a violent politician, a member of the U.S. Senate at the time. His coal pits had been set on fire by our Cavalry, I think. About the time of our march the papers were full of the treatment of the New Orleans ladies by General B.F. Butler, calling him "Beast" because of his outrageous conduct towards the ladies of the captured city. The La. Brigade incensed by this stripped the gardens of vegetables, carrying off every thing they could and destroying the rest. These were petty acts of retaliation, but were as bad as any thing I saw during the march of invasion, and I felt proud of the self-control of our soldiers. When we got beyond Caledonia Forge, we heard the fire of artillery before us. I reckon by this that is was the 1^st or 2^nd of July. The firing was from A.B. Hill's Corps and the whole command quickened its pace towards the sound of battle. When we reached the battlefield the fight was over, and the large crowd of prisoners showed that our arms were successful. Some one showed me the photograph of Maj. General Reynolds, W.S., picked up on the field where he was killed. The sun was not down but there was great activity among our troops. Our Division now commanded by General Ed. Johnson of Va., was marched nearly to Gettysburg, then to the left around the town, and put in position on the extreme left of our army.

It was after dark before we got into position, and on our march an incident occurred which is characteristic of the ways of soldiers. Quite a number of barrels of whiskey were captured and in order to keep them from the men, they were rolled into a stable and the heads knocked in. This was intended to spoil the liquor so that the men would not drink it, but the practice did not sustain the theory. The men waded into it, and dipped it up in their cups as fast as they could, some filling their canteens, and quite a number of some regiments were hilarious. My knapsack bearer among others availed himself of this alcoholic solution of cow manure and offered me a drink from his canteen with the gusto of a man who had something. He was a little exhilarated but not drunk.

I forgot to mention an incident out of the usual course in our march. Lt. James I. Metts was baptized by immersion in the Potomac River, by the Rev. Mr. Patterson. Mett's parents were Baptists and while he preferred this form of baptism he united himself with the Episcopal Church.

At last after marching and countermarching a line was established on Culp's Hill. In company with Dr. Coke of the 1sr I established a field dressing station at the foot of a hill in an abandoned farm house. There was a large spring at the door of the house, and everything was adapted to our purpose, and especially we were secure from the fire from the front lines. Wounded men no less than surgeons get rather nervous over a fire of a line of battle, and it is as hard to keep then until their wounds are dressed as it is for the doctor to do his work cooly. Dr. Washington, our Surgeon had never seen a battle and was anxious to see how such things went. We had received through the ambulance corps word that firing would begin at a certain hour, but we did not mention it to Dr. W. He rode on up the hill, saying that he would select a better location near the line. In about a half an hour we saw Dr. W. coming down the side of the hill under a heavy artillery fire. Dr. coke spied him, and he was not of this regiment, he got some fun out of the incident. Coke had a very loud voice, and hailed the doctor just after a shell had burst in the ground just ahead of him. Dr. W. seemed to be relieved to know that he was near such a good place as our dressing station, and came in with a grim smile on his face, agreeing that it was a pretty good place, and quite near enough. This firing was the great artillery drill of the 2^nd day of battle of Gettysburg, and our hands were busy attending to the wounded of the artillery battalion - Latimer's, I believe - just on the crest over our hospital.

The proprietor of the farm house had been frightened away form home by the battle of the 1^st day and left his affairs in the hands of a boy. I don't remember the name of the farm, it was small, but in this country we always found a dairy, and we were not disappointed here. The spring house was well supplied with milk and cream, and I set my ambulance men at work, in the quiet morning of the 2^nd day to churn. I had $2.00 in "greenbacks" which I gave the lad for the privileges of the house, consisting of buttermilk and a "crock" of quince marmalade. This was our meal, for as usual we were not supplied with rations at the proper time. At my leisure I looked around this house which we had plundered a good deal, and I found storied away a box marked, "T.C. McIlhenny, Gettysburg." It was the name of a friend in Wilmington. The goods being secreted I opened two boxes and found one filled with felt hats, and the other with shoes for children. My hat was pretty bad and I exchanged it for a new one, got one for Mr. Patterson and gave one to the ambulance Sergeant. The rest I sent to General Stewart.

In the rear of one station was a line of battle. Among them were some La. soldiers. They completed the sacking of this house, even to the bee hives. They took a hive of bees in the open day between two of them, marching straight through a bivouac of men, the infuriated bees flying in every direction. After the bees had quit the hive, the plunderers sat down and destroyed the honey.

My overcoat again was the cause of some trouble. A chaplain came into the farm house and spied my coat which I was obliged to keep on my arm. He seemed to be anxious about the plunderers, and I suppose took me for one and entered into a conversation about my overcoat, and seemed disappointed that he could not take it away from me and restore it to its rightful owner.

The firing of the day was tremendous from one of the line to the other, and nearly 200 pieces of artillery being engaged. It is not easy to describe such a scene, but in this mountainous country it was grand. Shortly after it ceased the infantry were engaged, our brigade charging up the hills taking the lines of the enemy, and penetrating as far as Spangler's Spring in the flank and rear of the enemy and were obliged to retire. We had about 300 men when they went into a line and we lost about 180 killed and wounded, and a few prisoners, so that when the Regiment was with drawn on the 4^th we had 77 men in line. Lieutenants Garrison and Potter were killed, Lieutenants Kelly and Metts were shot through the lungs, the former died, the latter survived and the number of wounded was very great. Coke and I were kept busy with the wounded, day and night, until we were exhausted, and when our lines were drawn we went to the rear to Division Hospital and found our old friend Washington fussing about and quite glad to see me, thinking he was going to get some work out of me - but instead I abandoned myself to a short refreshment in sleep. The Doctor ventured to ask what I had been doing, that his time had been fully occupied, and that he needed my help, etc. I did not explain, but when I got rested, helped him out. He had little ability to manage, and had to depend largely on Henkel and other Surgeons. Indeed we had the largest number of wounded, and the Maryland Regiment next. I administered to Col. Herbert and Major Goldsborough of the Maryland Regiment on the filed and also General J.M. Jones, who were all wounded, and were sent away to the rear in an ambulance.

During the night after the battle of the 2^nd day, an Assistant Surgeon U.S. straggled into our lines, and was taken prisoner. He was allowed all the privileges of our mess. I am sorry that I have forgotten his name. When he had been with us a day or so, he got Willie, Mr. Patterson's mulatto servant, a slave of course, to black his boots. Willie was very polite and did as he was requested. Mr. Patterson found it out and opened on the astonished Dr. "Don't do that anymore, Willie, you are Dr.'s equal and not his servant. Let him wait on himself. His is fighting against us to make white people your masters, the same as Negroes, etc., etc." I don't think the Doctor applied fore such service again. The conversation of course amused the bystanders, but made some of us feel very badly, the prisoner being under our protection and as likely as not as far from being an abolitionist as any of us.

The scene at the Division Hospital was very distressing. I was sent to report the number of wounded and indicate all who were able to march or be transported in wagons. The men were not slow to find out that we were preparing to fall back, and leave them as prisoners. I knew the men well by this time, and they greatly desired that I would remain with them, but Dr. Dabney Herndon, of Fredericksburg, Surgeon in a La. Regiment was detailed for the purpose, and in a few days abandoned the men, I heard, and went over to Baltimore. Lt. Metts was shot through the right lung, and I was obliged to tell him I thought he would die, and Lt. Tom Kelly also wounded in the lungs I thought would get well. The reverse was the case.

The retreat from Gettysburg was begun in the rain which continued with out cessation for some days. Every empty wagon was loaded with wounded men, and the roads leading towards the Potomac were full of troops, stragglers, slightly wounded men, making their way as they could. But there was no panic. We were followed up by the enemy but not with much vigor. The most annoying thing was the wild firing of stragglers as we were crossing South Mountain. The retreat was very fatiguing, and many men laid down for sleep, and were captured. The rains had greatly swollen the Potomac, and our army was with out ammunition, even our reserve wagons being empty. General lee formed line of battle at Hagerstown, building good entrenchments, and here our men had opportunity to rest, but there was no food. A pontoon bridge had been thrown across the river, but no wagons or men were allowed to cross until the ordinance wagons were safely over. Maj. Harry Miller, our Brigade Commissary was always active in supplying us with food, and knowing how strict the orders were against admitting any but ordinance wagons over the river, supplied himself with a black ordinance wagon and brought over to us our needed supply of food. We were fed probably in advance of all other commands by this ruse.

While we were in the trenches at Hagerstown, an accident happened to Capt. Ned Armstrong. He was examining a little Smith and Wesson pistol and it went off shooting him through the palm of his hand. This excellent officer had been the most fortunate one of our Regiment - had not a scratch in all the hard battles, and had never missed a battle. One of his friends joked him about it, and it mortified him greatly. Some of the trifling men had a trick of deliberately shooting off a finger or a thumb, so as to avoid the battles, and a joking insinuation of this sort was hard to bear. Armstrong bore his suffering patiently, but after a few hours the pain was so great and such rapid inflammation ensued, that I had to take him in charge. He made a good recovery and was soon back at his post.

The distance from our line to the river was about four miles and when we took up our march to cross it, we were before sunset of one day, until daybreak the next crossing the river. We would march a few steps and then halt, and this was repeated all night long- just enough marching to keep the men awake. I was on horse back this time, and wearied out I determined to seek the piazza of a house by the roadside and turn in for a few hours of sleep. It was very dark, and tying the halter to my wrist I jumped the baluster and in doing so planted both feet into some sleeping fellow, who had conceived the same brilliant idea as mine, bu many hours in advance. I was glad enough to scramble out of the crowd, and mount my horse and take it along at the former sleepy pace. Being mounted I had to ride into the bed of the canal. At a certain place there was a sink some inches below the bed of the canal, and horses baulked there so much that an officer on each side with a drawn sword struck your animal on his rump with the flat of his sword, and forward went the horse, and sometimes down went the horse as mine did, bu he soon recovered and scrambled forward. When I got to the river I saw what the difficulty was. Our men were attempting to ford the Potomac. It was very much swollen, and each man had to secure his rations and his ammunition and keep his gun dry. It was all right for the tall men, but the short ones could hardly keep their footing, and so they divided up into groups, short men between two tall ones and so on. This caused long delays, but by daybreak we were safely over the river without an accident.

When we got into Virginia we were reinforced by the arrival of men, from hospitals, until our regiment looked more like a regiment than it had done, but our ranks were painfully thin. We had an uneventful march until we were safely back on the Rapidan again and went into camp. Our camp was near Orange C.H. and was beautifully situated, still we had a good deal of sickness. Dr. Washington resigned and I was again in charge.

The failure of the Gettysburg Campaign had set up a cry in N.C. for peace, in some of the middle and western counties, and W.W. Holden, an old politician and a rank secessionist, who after signing the secession resolution in the General Assembly, waved his pen over his head saying that he would hand it down to his children as their proudest legacy- also that he "pledged the last man and the last dollar" in the cause - this man began to write union articles for his paper. This was distributed in our camp secretly. A dissatisfaction ensued which cost some brave men their lives. Ten of our men who had been noted for their courage, determined to return home with their guns and equipment. When it was discovered, a party of soldiers, also North Carolinians, were sent to interrupt them and arrest them. They did so near Ashland, I believe. A fight ensued, resulting in the killing of Lt. Mallett of Fayetteville, commanding the party. Seven of the men were captured and returned to the Regiment. Three escaped. I have always rejoiced that I was absent at the time on a leave of absence when the court martial assembled, and the condemned to be shot. Dr. William F. Stewart, who had by this time succeeded Dr. Washington, witnessed the execution, which would have devolved on me had I been present. The seven men were tied down to stakes and shot. Of the three who escaped, one died of small-pox in "Castle Thunder" a military prison in Richmond, one was pardoned by the President and one was never captured. His name is Horrell and after the close of the war was rewarded for his conduct by making him deputy Sherif of New Hanover County. This whole affair was a very sad thing for us all, but the remedy seemed to be necessary to stop desertions. After this it became necessary to scrutinize all the mail coming to camp. It stopped desertion for a long time, and nothing disagreeable happened. We had regular services in camp every Sunday, and our minister had listeners from other Regiments. We had quiet until October from some time in July, during which time our regiment was considerable recruited.

In October the whole army was in motion for a flank movement upon Meade. We went through Warrenton on through Bristoe Station with out fighting on our part. As we approached a heavy firing, we were halted but were mot engaged and the battle was all over. We were bivouacked on the field of battle and it was an awful sight. It seems that A.P. Hill had struck the enemy in the wrong place contrary to orders. Cook's and Kirkland's N.C. Brigade went into action at the station. The enemy post men behind the Railroad and threw out skirmishers in their rear. These two Brigades were led on into the ambush and when within easy gunshot they all rose from behind the embankment and mowed our men down mercilessly. After this the enemy retreated, but this was a terrible blow to the two Brigades. Our regiments were not engaged. The field of battle was a sickening sight, the losses having fallen entirely upon our men. It was said, and I think it is true, that General Lee replied, "Your lines are too long and too thin, let your men stack arms, and bury the dead." As in all the battles North Carolina was a prominent figure; in all the battle fields the dead from our state were abundant. At Gettysburg we passed over the field often, the first days fight and I saw there the men of General Iverson's NC Brigade lying dead as though they had been cut down with a scythe. Next to N.C. were the dead Georgians, and it seemed as if these tow states furnished a large part of the Army. Virginia, though abounded in cavalry soldiers and artillery. Out state had six cavalry regiments, but only 1^st, 2^nd and probably 3^rd, won distinction. The 1^st and 2^nd were as good soldiers as ever went from any state.

We returned to a camp near the Rapidan and again went into winter quarters as we supposed for it was now about November. The rigors of the march had used up our Surgeon Dr. William F. Stewart, and he was obliged to ask for duty at a post. Dr. Stewart was first cousin of our General George W. Stewart. He was apparently 50 when he came to us. He had been sent out of the lines from Baltimore, his home because of his implication in aid to the South. He told me of some of the adventures of some of the Southern sympathizers in Baltimore. They had an organization which had to be maintained with great secrecy as their movements were very closely watched by the U.S. authorities. On one occasion he sent a raft of patent gate-posts across the Potomac River. The post were hollow, and filled with percussion gun caps. I believe this venture was successful. One of Dr. S's sons was arrested for his Southern sympathy and put in prison. He bribed the guard with a gold watch to let him escape, but when he attempted it he was shot dead. While lying dead in prison his father and mother were sent to come and see him. The shock was very great, but it only inflamed to a higher degree, the animosity of his parents. I don't remember what particular act was fastened upon Dr. Stewart, but he was sent out of the lines after a few days notice. Dr. and Mrs. S. made preparations by turning all their valuables into money. As they were allowed only a hundred pounds of luggage and a given sum of money they resorted to the subterfuge of preparing a turkey, and rolling up some bills of exchange in old silk sewing it up in the place of "stuffing." Mrs. S. had a traveling suit prepared with a great many rows of buttons which were $5.00 gold pieces, covered with cloth. So the Dr. reached the Confederacy with about $20,000 and put it all in Confederate Bonds, so sure was he of Southern success. He was very kind to me, and for a month would not allow me to get up to Surgeon's call as he wanted to relieve me of duty , which I had done without relief for so long, and he wanted to learn the condition of the men. He was very kind and was esteemed by officers and men. The hardships of camp were too great for him and he was forced to ask for assignment to post duty.

Dr. B. M. Cromwell of Ga., formerly of the 1^st N.C.. Was assigned to succeed him. His service was at the "Battle of Payne's Farm." We were then on Mine Run, near the Rapidan in November 1863, when the enemy attempted to surprise our Division - General Ed. Johnson's - when in return we surprised him and drove him across the river. It was a very sudden and unexpected fight. We were marching along the road not knowing that there was an enemy about, when the snapping of caps by the men (a preliminary precaution to dry out the gun barrels which was very common among our soldiers) showed that some one had spied the enemy. Capt. Ned Armstrong, as ususal handed me a note to his folks, his money and watch to be sent home if he was killed etc., but still I did not understand the urgency of these preparations. "Rise in your stirrups and look over the trees," he says, and as I did I spied a large body of "blue coats." It was a hasty line we formed but so well arranged was it, that one of our Brigades - the "Stonewall," was put in on the flank of the enemy, and the battle was decided very soon against them. This was the first battle of Sergt. Maj. Robert McRee. He was the son of Dr. Jas. F. McRee, our former Surgeon. He was just 18 years old and had been a student up to the time he left the University of N.C. He was a student at the Jesuit College near Georgetown D.C. when the war broke out, returning home at that time was sent to the University of N.C. at Chapel Hill. When he reached 18 years, the time for enlistment, instead of remaining at home and securing an easy place, he went at once to the scene of war and enlisted in the 3^rd Regiment. He was made Sgt. Maj., and was serving in this capacity at the Battle of Payne's Farm. McRee came to our camp with his citizens clothes - all that he could get - he was an oddity to look at. He wore a broad brimmed straw hat, and was as unmilitary looking as a Quaker. His blanket was a thin white one, not at all suited for field life, but the best he could get. McRee was a Chesterfield in politeness, and his knowledge of the world was in strong contrast with his knowledge of books. He was well versed in literature, and Shelly and Poe were his favorites. These tow authors he had throughly mastered, and he read them with good effect especially Poe's "Raven" and the "Bells." But to return to the battle, McRee saw tempting opportunity to get a blanket and a canteen from a dead prisoner, but not being skillful in the art of dispossessing the dead of their property as others, and having compunctions as his military right, sought the Col. (Thurston commanded in this fight) saluted him and asked permission to secure the prizes he so much coveted.

We went into permanent camp for the winter after this battle. We lost very few in the fight. During our winter encampment the state of N.C. sent us quite a number of conscripts principally men from Surry and Stoke's counties. They were evidently the last draining of the back-woods. Holden, the editor of the "Sentinel" said that N.C. and the Confederacy "robbed the cradle and the grave" to recruit our army, and it came near being a literal fact. One of the lot of men was a very intelligent fellow, and claimed after he got to our camp that he was a "Friend" (Quaker) and that it was against his conscience to fight. The Col. told him there was a law proving for such cases, that he could have settled it in Raleigh at the Camp of Instruction, that now it was too late and he would have to fight. In this Battle of Payne's Farm he tried to maintain his assumed Quaker principles, and would not load. He was put under guard, but as soon as he stood before one volley he loaded and fired like a good fellow and showed so much skill as a marksman and coolness and courage he was afterwards promoted to be Sgt. Some of the "Conscripts" sent were not quite so good. One half-wit named Henshaw was assigned to Co. H. On our return form the Bristoe Campaign we had to ford the Rapidan at a very rocky ford in the night, and the footing was not secure for men or horses as the current was swift. It was in October and the water was cold. In crossing the river Henshaw got behind the Adj. General of the Brigade, and supported himself by placing one hand on the rump of the horse. Growing more confident he asked Capt. Williamson to carry his gun. The request was so innocent and so reasonable Capt. W. took it and carried it across the stream. When his company had crossed, the Captain forgot to who the gun belonged, and poor Henshaw had no idea who had his gun. But on being informed that he must find his gun, he went in search. The Col. (Thurston) had not learned the conscripts by sight and the only semblance of uniform this poor conscript had was a letter H on his hat. The Col. discovered a strange fellow poking around his bivouac and hailed him - "Look here sir, where did you come from, what's your name?" Deliberately taking his hat form his head to refresh himself about the letter of his company he drawled, "I belong to figger H company - has you seed any thing of my gun?" The Col. was quite amused at his simplicity and found out that he was one of the new conscripts. "Don't you know," says he, "if you lose your gun you will have to pay for it?" He did not know until his Captain told him and he was now looking for it. "I gin to a man on a critter last night when we a-wading that river, and I thought he was in favor of the was as he was a-riding of a critter." This conversation let in a flood of light upon the attitude of the conscripts. They came form the western counties, were opposed to a war they had no interest in, and had taken up the belief of the new party of union men, in our state who started the cry that "It was a rich man's war and a poor man's fight," and so to this conscript any one so well off as to ride a horse was having a good thing of it and must be "in favor of the war." The conscript had apparently come against his will. The men chaffed him a good deal. "You say you are so poor Henshaw, what did you get married fore then?" His ready reply was, "I got married to save my oats crop." A remark which showed at least that the poor fellow could reason well on some subject. He was almost cruelly treated by the practical jokers of the regiment so that it is not strange that he should have been driven to attempt to desert as the following narrative shows.

On one occasion we were on our way to the picket station, and the men commenced teasing Henshaw telling him that he had better go over to the Yankees, he was only eating up the rations of some good man. So exasperated was he that as soon as he got to the station, and before our regiment had relived the Virginia Regiment on picket, he went down to the river with gun and cartridge box and all his belongings and started across the river. "Halt," says the Virginia, "where are you going?" Henshaw's despairing reply was, "I an going over to the enemy, my country rickermened me to go." He was arrested and put in hand cuffs. As soon as we got back to camp I found that General Stewart had determined to apply the full force of the law to this poor fellow, but we succeeded in making out a clear case of feeble mind before the court martial, and he was out I think. General Stewart was unreasonable with offenders against the law, and his guard house made as uncomfortable as possible, and I had occasion to plead for some of the poor fellows to secure for them proper shelter. But to return to the conscripts, most of them soon learned the way of soldiers and did good service. The period of seasoning with these poor fellows was very severe. They had to learn to accommodate themselves to the new mode of life and a few weeks, which had taken their veteran comrades two or three years to learn. To cook for themselves with only a gum cloth for a kneading trough, and bake bread in a skillet, or frying pan, as it happened for utensils were scarce, and make the small ration of four ounces of meat (only approximately 4oz. For it was only guessed at) and a pound of flour answer all the demands of hunger for a day, required skill and economy, which the conscript although brought from a rural and primitive condition of life had to learn by hard licks. To protect himself from rain before he had been on the battle field to capture a shelter tent- (two pieces of cotton cloth with buttons on one side and button holes on the other, so as to stretch over an improvised ridge pole set upon forked sticks) to take care of gun and ammunition, were all easy compared with the trials which his change of life brought upon him. His veteran comrades had little sympathy for men who had to be dragged into war, for which they had volunteered, and they treated them as inferiors. Bad water, badly cooked food, unventilated quarters (in winter) always disturbed their bowels and they were in majority upon the sick list. Coming from the country, where the most of them had lived with out ever seeing a town larger that the "store town," the cross road village with a hundred inhabitants, remote from railroads there for incommunicable with outside worlds, the trials which usually come to children they escaped, and measles and small pox were usually their fate. I have known almost the entire 57^th N.C. Regiment (Conscripts), to be sick at one time with the measles, and it was so with most of the Regiments enlisted from the country as most of them were in N.C. But few of the conscripts contributed to regiments in an active campaign were able to hold out for the reason stated, although some of them did and became identified with the regiment and acquired some esprit du corps.

1863-1864 The remaining months from November to April 1863 were spent in camp near Orange C.H. We had the usual quarters - log houses with daubed chinks, stick chimneys covered with clay, and the only opening being a door, as the thin clap board roof was sufficiently ventilating. Some quarters achieved the distinction of having a glass window, and other a substitute of greased writing paper to let in a little more light. Left to such inactive lives many were the means undertaken to while away the time. Some of the officers gambled, but I only knew of this from heresy, as I do not remember of having seen more than one game of poker - the universal gambling game. I account for this by the fact that my opinion of gambling was known to my friends and the gamblers always avoided such persons when they wanted to have a game. This of course may have grown out of a lesson taught by Maj. W.L. DeRosset before I joined the "3^rd," gambling among officers was running pretty high, and the Col. determined to break it up. He deputed Maj. DeRosset to execute the plan. He waited until a party was in the midst of an exciting game, and about $300 was up on the table as stakes (it was before the deprecation of our money, in 1862) and walking in on them suddenly he took up money form the table. The players and bystanders took it for a joke and were annoyed at the interference but the Major informed the excited players that he would give them their choice, either to stand a court-martial for violation of the Army regulations, or to let the money go to the sick at the hospital. The money was handed over to the hospital, but it did not suppress gambling. I think after this that none but "players" were invited to be present at games and gambling was sometimes private.

Whist playing though, was indulged in a good deal. Our small stock of books was soon exhausted. Some of the officers resorted to athletic games of jumping and wrestling, but I selected whist as more to my notion. I never did care about the science of the game and complied just enough within rules to be within bounds. I liked only the luck of it and enjoyed that; but no money was ever bet on these games by us or any players. I was surprised at one thing that keeping the score of games played steadily through the winter, discarding "honors," both parties had won about the same number of games.

Mr. Patterson was still with us, and we had nightly prayers at the Col.'s quarters, and no matter how frugal our meal was in camp or else where we always had a "grace." This much of the outer forms of religion were observed, and among most of the officers there was a compliance with the decencies of religion. A few of them were exemplary Christians, and oaths were seldom heard among the officers esteemed irreligious. The bible was in nearly every man's hands, but I can't say there was much devotional reading of it. My house or "shanty" served as the dispensary of the regiment, and also as my quarters. Lt. Circero Craig, I invited to share luck with me, for brave man as he was, he was just enough insubordinate at times, to excite Col. Thurston's anger. What incensed Craig most was, that the Col. gambled with Lt. Stone, Craig's subordinate, and preferred him above Craig. Stone was a well educated man, and well connected, but was a black sheep, coming into the army just in time to wipe away some stain upon his character which his conduct had brought upon him. Craig knew all this and avoided the Col. and all his friends. To add to all his troubles he was desperately ragged, so much so that the Col. had to excuse him from dress parade. His friends at home were poor, and his father having married again he was alienated from them. Only one friend at home adhered to him - Capt. Tom Craig a pilot of a blockader. He heard of Craig's condition, and bought for him in Nassau an outfit consisting of under clothes, uniform, boots and hat. The news of this valuable present cheered this poor fellow up, for with this he could not only make a good appearance, but be the envy even of the Col. himself. This would be better understood if one could know how difficult it was to get clothes even with an abundance of money.

Finally the letter came that the new outfit, in a sole-leather valise had been entrusted to a corporal of the regiment, not willing to risk such a valuable package by other means of transportation. The express companies did not deliver goods to the army. Like a little child Craig was all expectancy and the morning came that Corporal Sellars was to arrive. Sure enough he did arrive, but where was the valise? Sellars was a brave fellow to deliver the message. His story ran, that while he was at Weldon waiting for the train to connect with that from Richmond, for security he put the valise under his head for safe keeping, and when he awoke the valise was gone. But one piece of comfort he had for the Lieutenant, he delivered the key. Think of the anger and disappointment and here was poor Craig too ragged to go on duty, expecting a long delayed promotion to captaincy, refusing a leave of absence until he was promoted, and so he abandoned himself to a closer seclusion in my quarters dreaming over the revenge he was going to wreck upon his enemies by a promotion on the filed for gallantry. All his thoughts seemed to be concentrated on this one desire- military glory. Craig's abilities had been noticed by General Stewart and he made him Captain of this Brigade sharp shooters. This was a great relief from contact with his Col. as now he was to get his orders from Brigade Head Quarters and all that he did would be under the eye of Brig. And Div. Commander. After all Craig was superceded by the appointment of Stone to be Captain, but Craig was glad to have his new command, and it suited his peculiar from of ambition.

Armstrong came frequently to my quarters, and his visits were always pleasant. His disposition was so happy, he seemed to live to do his duty because of the pleasure it gave him. He was firmly settle in his belief that the war was to end disastrously to us, but he was always the same, apparently very little distressed when he went into battle. Craig and Armstrong were the opposites to each other, and had many a stiff argument over the conduct of the war. Armstrong didn't smoke, nor did I, and we heard that our quarters were to be visited by smoking comrades, to inaugurate some of their Chapel Hill pranks, and smoke us out. The visit was first made to Armstrong. His cabin was like mine. One by one the officers came in with tobacco and pipes. His little cabin was soon filled, every man armed with a pipe and smoking vigorously. The soon resorted to the more vigorous plan of blowing through the pipe to burn up the tobacco fast and to create a big smoke. All the time A. waited on his friends when their pipes were empty. Friends on the outside seeing so much smoke escaping from the roof, threw a blanket over, while another climbed to the chimney threw down tobacco into the fire, and covered the flue with a board. The smoke was very dense, but Captain A. held out. After a while some gave it up and left, reducing the party to two. These tried to escape, still A. kept them from it, and they were forced to lie down upon the floor, for a more diluted air, these were finally compelled to beg Armstrong to let them go and so the smokers were smoked. A. was terribly wilted the next day by the bad dosing of the tobacco smoke he got, but his victory was complete, and the silly practice was never repeated notwithstanding I was threatened. This little incident show how childish were the amusements of grown men in camp.

The mania of wrestling among certain officers was considerable. Parsley and Cantwell (Captain of Co. F), Maj. Ennett and other. I always avoided it because I was not active and spry, and didn't care to have my ankles sprained or arm broken.. Parsley and Ennett were particularly anxious to get at it. One day very unexpectedly Parsley watched his chance and boy like ran in and took his hold, and to my surprise and his I threw him down. It was such a good joke on Parsley that Ennett came to his assistance and in attempting to pull me off, I seized at an opportune time and he fell, and I had them both down. Ennett was thrown by his won spurs.

Captain John L. Cantwell Captain Cantwell was formerly Col. of the 64^th Regiment (?). He was a volunteer soldier in the Mexican War, in the Palmetto Regiment and received a metal for gallantry. He came to Wilmington from Charleston as the first officer of the Adam's Express Company (1850?). He was the leader in the civil military company known as the Wilmington Light Infantry, its captain at one time and when the war broke out he was Colonel of the Militia, and took temporary commands of troops until other organizations were formed. He was left out in making up new regiments, and served as a volunteer private until in 1862 or 1863, he was made Col. of the 64^th Regiment of N.C. This Regiment was not of the best material, and many jealousies arose. Col. C. was a strict disciplinarian in one sense, and a stickler for little things, and was enthusiastic in modeling his regiment into good discipline. The men were not disposed to submit to strict discipline, and took the first opportunity to get a charge against the Col., which was for drunkenness. The matter did not come to a trial, he resigned, and our regiment always on the lookout to get good officers offered the Captaincy of Co. F to Cantwell and he accepted. It was not without some degree of humiliation that he accepted a much lower rank, but her was moved entirely by his patriotism. He was one of our best and bravest officers. He was very peculiar though, and such a stickler for army regulations that he was annoying sometimes. On one occasion he was officer for the day. My quarters served as sleeping apartments, office, dispensary, and most everything else pertaining to sick men form Surgeon's Call until all the medicine was prepared for the sick which took until a late hour of the day. Cantwell came in and finding my quarters in bad condition, looked at his watch and said that he would return at a certain other hour to inspect me. He came punctually and finding my quarters still out of order turned to me and said I would be reported to the Col. I cared very little for it indeed, and I knew that the Col. would care less, for he knew exactly under what difficulties I maintained my quarters as they were. Pretty soon Col. Thurston came to my quarters laughing, and asked me what was the matter with Cantwell. I told him and he had a laugh and sat down awhile and talked. Cantwell had done his literal duty but it was not mixed with discretion, and therefore was without weight. This was but a sample of much of his strict construction actions as an officer, so that his merits lay in the fact that he knew how to obey, and was brave.

Letter-writing and receiving letters was one of our great pleasure. Postage stamps were scarce in camp and indeed we were allowed the privilege of "franking," by writing our name in the right upper corner of the envelope. The mail was looked for with great anxiety in camp, and many were the long letters I wrote home, and the record against me is that I always wanted something. I have to say if I always wanted something, I most always got what I wrote for if unfortunately the articles were not lost in transportation. The railroads were badly out of repair. The cars were worn and dilapidated so that one could hardly go from one place to another without getting vermin on them. Freight to the Army always took precedence, and it was only by special favor that a package could get through. Should it be favored with shipment it ran through another risk of being lost at the warehouse and at the Army end of the route being robbed. Frequently packages were opened and robbed, but as the blame could not be charged upon any one person, but upon many from the wagon driver who brought the package, through the guard (who was charged every little while), the railroad agent. On one occasion, though, when food was right scarce, I got a dressed turkey from home. It was fat and tender, and as we had nothing to cook with it but rice, four of us"sot our faces" to it, and when we had satisfied our appetites, the poor cook had only the bones for his share. I don't know the wight of the turkey, but it was large enough to have served less hungry people even to a good sized family. Food got so scarce sometimes that we were glad to have any addition to one pound of flour and four ounces of fat bacon. Officers were allowed the privilege of buying a ration in addition, and this I did as often as the commissary allowed it, as my horse was often in lack of the meal I didn't eat. The poor horses seldom got enough and took a man all his time looking after provender, not only get what was his due for his horse, but to keep it after you got it. Some of the men had a way of eking out their scanty rations with "big hominy." I often wondered where they got it but was informed by the knowing ones that they picked up the corn dropped by the quartermaster and the wagon master when feeding the mules, and it was very likely that the mules were often robbed of their scanty food. To prepare "big hominy" was difficult. They made strong lye and soaked the corn until the husk loosened, then the husk was separated form the grain, and the grain was washed and boiled until it was soft and edible. It was really a dainty dish as compared with some of our bread. Onions and cowpeas were the extras that we could generally get in winter quarters by sending to Orange C.H. Onions sold for $2.00 a dozen and cowpeas were about .50 per quart, the difficulty generally in the way was to get a messenger. The ambulance man of our Regiment was at the Sergeant's command until after the Battle of Chancellorsville all ambulances were kept in park under the control of the Brigade Surgeon. According to the Army Regulations a Regiment of a thousand men was allowed ten gallons of whiskey a month. The size of our Regiment and the scarcity of whiskey reduced the amount, so that we got only five gallons. Its arrival was a great nuisance. It was intended for the sick, but no sooner did it come than the officers came boldly up and upon some pretext or other got it all, and when the real necessity arose there was none for the sick. When I was the officer in charge I after awhile declined to make the requisition for it, as I had to certify that it was "used by the sick alone," and this I could not do. There were no drunkards in our Regiment and if there had been the compulsory abstinence would have cured him, as nothing like a regular supply of liquor could be had even for the sick. When liquor could be had though, so great was the rarity of it, that men who scarcely ever touched a drop at home would indulge for the temporary excitement.

I recollect what a great surprise I had in camp one night. I had been in bed some hours when the Col. had his orderly to have me come at once to his quarters. It was cold but the distance was short. I dressed and went over. The Co., Lt. Col., Maj., Adjt. Had a cabin built in the same manner but of different shape from the quarters of the other staff officers. I found Col. Thurston sitting at his fire place. He pretended to be greatly surprised at my coming and paid no attention to me. After a little he said, "Who sent for you?" I told him that he had. He denied it and teased me in this way until I was about to go back to my quarters considering myself the victim of a practical joke, when the other three came in and we all crossed over into the Lieut. Col.'s quarters and there to my surprise I saw a table upon which was spread cakes, lemons, sardines, crushed sugar, brandy, whisky, pipes and tobacco of the famous Durham Brand.

'Window'

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fireplace | Colonel | Adjutant's office | Lt. Col. and Maj. | fireplace

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There were other dainties besides but I don't remember them. I rubbed my eyes to assure myself that it was not all a dream, and after a lunch we all adjourned. The next night a party of Brigade officers including General Stewart assembled by invitation to a feast, and the like probably was not seen on the line that winter. The party did not adjourn until 2 o'clock that morning. The next day we ordered on a tour of picket duty and when I met the General on the road the next day, he expressed himself as very much pleased with the entertainment, but he was of the opinion that it might very well have been divided into two feasts. So uncertain were we when we left a camp if we ever saw it again, it was the custom to consume everything not easily carried.

Among the amusing incidents of this camp was the appearance of the major in the Lieut. Col.'s uniform. Parsley and Ennett had returned to camp at the same time with new uniforms made by the same tailor, the only difference was that of the insignia of rank. The Major had a single star on the collar. The Lt. Col. two stars on the collar. Maj. Ennett was to go on dress parade and in his hurry to be on time he put on parsley's coat. P. saw the mistake and humored it and let him go through with it and when it was all over he congratulated him as "Colonel." Ennett didn't see the blunder even then until he got back to his quarters and saw his own coat hanging on its peg. Little incidents like this furnished amusement for the camp for several days.

On one occasion Maj. Ennett was hard up for clothes. The fashion was to wear long coats, but the more military fashion of short coast prevailed after General "Stonewall" Jackson appeared in his new uniform of the short pattern. The seat of his pants were in need of patches, but where to get the cloth was the difficulty. The idea struck him that he would reduce the length of his coat tails, and use it to patch his pantaloons. So he called up the best skilled man with needle and set him to work, first cutting off one skirt. The scheme was a good one but unfortunately the long roll beat, and the major followed up the column in his right place in the rear, with a well patched pair of breeches, but one skirt of one length and one of another.

Col. Parsley on his return of leave, winter 1863, brought a present of a box of a dozen bottles of Scotch Whiskey. This is as clear as water. En route Parsley had emptied one bottle, and when he got to camp he filled it with water. The officers assembled at his quarters to welcome him, and to get a drink. Parsley was always ready for a joke, and put out the bottle of water asking the oldest Captain first. As these was only one tin cup to drink out of, the first captain poured out a big drink and drank it off. He of course discovered that it was water, but did not care about having the joke on him, he rushed to the water bucket to get a drink to drown the strong liquor. Another and another did the same, until it came to an officer who had too little wit to humor the joke. He tasted his drink and turned to the Colonel and said, "Why, Colonel, it's nothing but water." Of course everyone yelled at the discomfiture of the "green" fellow, and then the Col. offered them the real stuff. This whiskey came in by the blockade from Scotland. I saw a similar joke played at a dinner party, by a lady, Mrs. McNair, Argyle, Robinson Co. She was very fond of young people, and they assembled at her house. Food was not plentiful, and luxuries unknown. But at a dining when I was present, after giving us a good dinner she served a tart to each place and what I supposed to be a glass of wine. A lady sat by me and I proposed her "health," and tasted my "wine" which turned out to be a concoction of persimmon bark, very astringent and bitter. I saw the joke at once and took another sip without betraying what I had discovered. The trap seemed to be set for a rather ill-contrived bachelor at the table rather than for me. 1863. I went on eating which under the circumstances was not enjoyable, and I did not find that apple tarts and persimmon tea were at all compatible. In a few minutes though, Mr. Collins, for whom the trap was sep took a good drink of his wine, and such a sputterin' and a spiting and a growling, and such a peal of merriment from the girls, repaid me for the badness of the dose.

To return to camp. During the winter my principal books were the "Spectator" and the "tattler and Guardian," books I had never read before. The truth is, as I have stated elsewhere, I had never had an opportunity to do any reading outside of medicine, and in English literature I was deficient. Such books I read therefore with avidity, although much of the matter in these volumes had references to political and historical and social events to which I had no key. Poor Craig wrote hundreds of pages of his unjust treatment by the Col. and set on foot a correspondence between himself and the Adjt. Genl. of N.C., which made it very uncomfortable for Col. Thurston, but all without effect, when the campaign opened Craig was 1^st Lt. Com. Sharpshooters of Stewart's Brigade.

1864 When the campaign began in 1864, we were in Genera; Ewell's Corps (Jackson's formerly) Ed Johnson's Div., Stewart's Brigade. Stewart had devised some original badges for his men, of colored cloth, so that at a glance could be told the Brigade, Regt., Co. of the men, the number of engagements he had been in, whether he was a Sharp Shooter or an Ambulance man, etc. In this Craig had helped the General. Our Brigade was in excellent condition, and when moved out in the road, our line was direct for the wilderness our old field of battle. General J.M. Jones' Va. Brigade in front, Stewart's next and so on.

I must before I forget it tell of an incident at church which happened at Orange C.H. before the campaign opened. It was at the Episcopal church. It was a solemn communion before the beginning of the "Grant Campaign." The church was crowded with men and officers, and I believe most of our prominent Generals were there. I saw General lee. He was dressed in very plain uniform and took a very inconspicuous seat. I am not sure if had any insignia of rank, if he had it was nothing more than three stars on the collar. After the services had begun all eyes were turned to a person who came clattering up the aisle with his jingling spurs, and it proved to be General J.E.B. Stuart, the Calvary Commander. He was handsomely dressed for a Confederate, with buff coat facings and collar and embroidered wreath around the three stars on his collar, full gold braid on his sleeves, and a bouquet in his button hole. His felt hat adorned with a plume he carried on his arm in a conspicuous way, and was altogether "loud." I had never seen J.E.B. Stuart before and was not surprised from what I had heard of him. Many poor fellows met around the table of the Lord who were to partake of the sacrament for the last time.

"J.M. Jones" Brigade was composed of Virginians. It did not have a good record, the General preceding J.M. Jones being also a General Jones, so that the new commander insisted on "J.M. Jones" being put on everything belonging to the Brigade. The scene along our line of march gave tokens of a battle. It was the 4^th of may, 1864 when we left camp. On the morning of the 5^th the road was strewn with playing cards which the men had thrown away. There was a good deal of card playing in camp, but the men had superstitions about having cards in their pockets when going into battle. So far there had been no signs of the enemy and how the men were so quick to find it out puzzled me. The symptoms in this instance proved correct, and pretty soon J.M. Jones struck the enemy on the turnpike near Locust Grove (near Wilderness Run) and the whole division was put in line. Jones' Brigade broke and the General in attempting to rally them was killed. Mr. Patterson and I were standing near Stewart when he gave the command and all the regiments moved forward so the command, "Forward guide centre." In our front was wilderness of small old-field pine trees, with branches near the ground, that is much lower than men's heads. We received a heavy volley before we saw the enemy, and before a volley was returned. One of our men stooped down and could see the legs of the enemy and close at hand. Evidently we were not discovered, but the hint was at once taken, the whole of the regiments delivering the fire kneeling. It was a killing fire which told, and the whole brigade pressed forward. These were only two pieces of artillery on the line and these were in the hands of the enemy and just in our front. In the charge the 146^th N.Y. surrendered in a body, and the two pieces captured by the 1^st and the 3^rd N.C. Battle's Brigade came up in our rear to support, and made a bad line of it, but had the courage to mark the two guns captured, marked, "Battle's Brigade," we soon had this corrected. Our men won the day, having struck the head of Grant's Column, and this was the first experience our men had against Grant. The advantage gained by us over the enemy was not great, but it opened the campaign in good style.

Our men knowing their weakness, did what they had never done before, built breastworks in front of their lines. It was surprising to see what tools were used. There were not more than two picks to a regiment, and not more than a spade or so, but they improvised tools by bursting a canteen with powder taking each half for a shovel, either with or without an improvised handle. A bayonet served to loosen the dirt and the shovels followed after. Our men were good wood-cutters and were not slow to fell trees as the basis for the works. The practice they were now getting was to serve them for many wary weeks to come, and it was surprising to see how hastily they threw up the trenches in a night and even in a few hours. On this occasion they soon had a good line of works and felt satisfied that they could not be driven out. We lost many men in this battle, Adjt. James particularly, losing his right arm early in the engagement.

We had all discussed Grant in camp, and it was well known that he had taken command to hold on and fight until we were worn out. He could lose men and replace them, we could not. Everyman lost by us made the line all the weaker, and it was a question of time and endurance which should give up. Our men though were in excellent spirits. If Grant's game was to fight and entrench, so would they, and the men as well as the officers caught the spirit of the campaign. Our whole army was exceedingly weak, and so discouraging was the outlook before the campaign opened knowing the great disparity in numbers, in arms, in food and all that enters into a complete army that General Lee called upon the whole army to observe a whole day of fasting, humiliation and prayer.

We remained on this line but a few days, but in the mean time a heavy battle had been fought by other parts of our army, although Ewell's Corps had made no connection with the line of the other corps. The battle although furious were not decisive, although the enemy had been merely kept in check, the fighting quality of Grant's men had been tested and his tactics pretty well learned by Generals and men. After successful attempts to break our line Grant would "sidle" as the men called it, move by his flank - in direction of Richmond, finding himself at every new turn confronted by the same dirty, hungry, half-clothed, but determined men. Especially the sharp shooters composed of picked men, were constantly on the alert. They were enterprising and untiring, and did wonderfully good work, and it seemed to be such work as the bring out the best qualities of our men.

The end of the Second Book

Dated: Wilmington, N.C., November 8^th, 1886.

Residence Corner of Chestnut and 2^nd Streets

THIRD BOOK

The Wilderness Battles 1864 Constant firing had set fire to the under growth, and the smoke added greatly to the hardships of fighting and marching and loss F.O. sleep and insufficient food. Both armies had a race for the Brook Road, Spotsylvania. The marching was very rapid. The cavalry under Stuart got into position just in time, and bringing up Pott's (N.C. Battery, formerly Latham's) they shot special case with very short fuses, the shell exploding at only a few feet from the mouth of the guns. Captain Potts was killed and several men, and the command fell upon Captain (Dr.) H.G. Flanner. This saved our position, and the infantry came up in good time and formed a line of battle. So close were the two armies that the ground could not be selected, but the men on both sides proceeded to entrench their lines of battle. This was the 8^th of May, I think. Sharpshooting continued all the time, but no actual engagement until the 10^th.

After the severe march to reach Spotsylvania, poor (Lt. Cicero) Craig was greatly overcome by fatigue and I found him overcome by the road side lying down and in an apparently forlorn condition. I advised him to get to the rear and let me treat him, but he doggedly refused, but went to the front as soon as he rested a little. On the 10^th of may our Brigade had a fearful fight on the Spotsylvania line, in which Craig was wounded in the fleshy part near the knee. So low was he in health that he was within a few days hopelessly ill and died. Poor fellow. He had often begged me to kill him if he came under my care wounded, and now that he was wounded he fell into the hands of the Corps Surgeon and I merely saw him. Of course I laughed at his whim of desiring to be put to death with drugs for a small wound. He died near the line of battle in a field hospital. We lost several good officers in this battle as well as men. Our Division (General Ed. Johnson) filled the "bloody angle" as it is now called, but the "horse shoe" as the men called it then. Our line of breast-works were built just at the line of battle on account of the nearness of the enemy to us, but on this occasion in order to get position for our artillery, the engineer General (Ramrod) Smith included a slight eminence with an angle of works projecting out from our main line. This angle was large enough to hold our Division, about 3,000 men, may be more. It was my duty to get out to the hospital in the rear at night to assist the Surgeon, and return at day-break to the line of battle again. On the morning of the 12^th of May, I was awakened by a tremendous firing and went to the front from the field hospital. When I reached the skirt of woods, which was within good artillery range of our works I saw for the first time a panic. among our men. The field was dotted with men coming to the rear, and who were congregating in groups at or near the spot I had reached. Wounded men and panic stricken men were coming off the field with fearful descriptions of what had happened. It was so unusual a sight among the men with who I conversed that I made up my mind that our army was at a great crisis, and that desperate things had to be done.

May 1864 The weather corresponded with the state of things in our lines. Heavy rains had deluged everything and was still threatening. It was not long before a large group of men had assembled, among them many officers, and the enemy getting our range dropped in a shell or two which created a great panic and scattered most of the men. I learned by this time that our whole Division was captured, including Maj. General Ed. Johnson, and General George E. Stewart. At no time did the fortunes of our army seem to be so desperate. General Lee appeared at the point of disaster taking charge of the disorderly crowd of men of many commands, forming them into a line and moving them right to the front. There must have been as many as 1,500 men in this line, and they moved into the Charge after they had overcome the first, rather shaky condition, and made a timely and effective onslaught.

May 1864 The news gradually collected in the excitement revealed the fact that our Lt. Col. Parsley had been captured, our Maj. Ennett, and nearly all of the 1^st and 3^rd Regts. Among the wounded were Captain Ned Armstrong, who had his arm shattered, and who by desperate effort escaped to the rear. Poor fellow, his arm was resected and he died of his wound - the first one he had ever received. Capt. John Badge Brown was also wounded and Sergeant Major Bob McRee, son of Dr. James F. McRee, but I believe they were wounded on the 10^th of May. Col. H.A. Brown of the 1^st Regt. was wounded severely in the chest, and as he fell backward he was caught by Captain Williamson of the 1^st. The enemy was advancing and they were both now within his lines. Poor Brown was dismayed at such a desperate wound and a prospect of falling into enemy's prison, and the tale goes that he said to Capt. Williamson: "Williamson, Williamson, ah-ah-ah read the Burial," meaning that he want the Burial Service from the Prayer Book. Brown got well, and the enemy's line was driven back, so that he was not taken prisoner.

May 1864 In all my experience previous to this I had never passed such a night and day as the 12^th of May. Our army was nearly cut in two and a whole division captured, and here I was without a regiment, and nothing but a lot of wounded men depressed and gloomy to care for. What was left of our commands, the 1^st and 3^rd, were ordered to report to Ramseur's N.C. Brigade. For the first time in the history of our regiments we were attached to a N.C. Brigade, and although we were not much now as an organization, and the fragments of the regiment went by the name of the 1^st and 3^rd, we were better satisfied with the new alliance. General Ramseur had been promoted to be a Maj. General and Col. W.R. Cox was promoted to succeed him as a Brigadier. To add to my gloom I was sent by the Surgeons of Brigade G.W. Briggs, to go with a train of wounded men to Hamilton's Station. The journey was an all night one, and the whip-poor-wills were singing their doleful songs in the desolate woods as I trudged along all alone on horseback. Late in the evening, it must have been the 11^th of May, the sound of another heavy engagement was distinctly heard. This time the enemy was repulsed and started off on another sidling movement until they brought up in the neighborhood of Hanover Junction.

June 1864 Our Brigade had one sharp engagement at Bethesda Church, before we reached Hanover, in which General Doles was killed. General Doles had once commanded our regiment, that is we were brigaded with him. This was a flank movement in which we sought to attack the enemy's rear. This was our fist engagement in Ramseur's, now Cox's Brigade.

At Hanover Junction we entrenched as usual, and it was there that I for the first time had occasion to speak to General Lee. He was on horseback and in search of his chief of staff, Col. W.H. Taylor. All was confusion to me and I could give no information. There was no engagement at Hanover, and as usual we "sidled" - moved by the flank towards Richmond. At Cold Harbor, near the scene of the first battle in 1862, there was another engagement but we were not needed. The enemy made a blind and reckless attack on our works, which was repulsed with fearful slaughter. The victory was so easy that our men were greatly encouraged. The hardships of daily fighting were somewhat reduced, but the supply of food was so irregular, and the opportunities for cooking so short, and cooking utensils so scarce, that what we had was merely to appease hunger. But we were then veterans of the hardiest type.

June 1864 The Rev. Mr. Patterson, our chaplain was with us and fared badly. He required more food than most of us, and fasting was a great hardship. As we got near Richmond he was tempted to beg a bunch of young onions. There was not cooked food and no early promise, so the half starved chaplain ate with avidity raw onions with salt, to take off the sharp edge of his appetite. Unfortunately the dollar's worth of onions, which was hardly sufficient for him were rejected by an insulted stomach and the poor man had to wait for his camp biscuit and thin slices of fat meat.

We remained in comparative idleness until the 13^th of June 1864. The blow Grant had received at Cold Harbor dispirited his troops as much as it had encouraged ours. But living in trenches, sleeping on our arms almost literally, was a dreary monotonous business. Our old adversaries Pope, Hooker and others when they got a good beating, cleared out for a while, giving our army a chance to go into regular camp, and enjoy leisure, and clean clothes and some better food. Not so with Grant. After he was repulsed he lingered around and hugged close to our lines, threatening to go at it again at most any day. Great was our surprise thane when we were with drawn from the trenches and found that we were a part of a new Army Corps composed of Rodes', Ramseur's and Peagram's Divisions, under General Jubal A. Early. We left Richmond on the 13^th of June and started on a march toward Louisa C.H. None of the subordinate commanders knew what it meant, and where we were going, but we were quite confident that General Lee, whose good judgment we trusted implicitly, would not weaken his army without he was well assured that he had the advantage over his opponent. The fresh air, the green foliage and pure water of the country was greatly enjoyed after an imprisonment in the trenches since May. On the second day out we passed the battle field of the great calvary battle between Stuart and the cavalry (?) It was known as the Battle of Catlett's Station, I believe. There were signs of a terrible musketry engagement which defeated Grant's design of uniting his cavalry with (Federal) General Hunter's army them approaching Lynchburg. Of course we knew nothing of this at the time. We reached Charlottesville on the 16^th of June. The hospitality of the citizens was unbounded. We halted only a short time in the streets and our men were supplied with food and tobacco and were shown many kind attentions which were heartily appreciated.

Lynchburg June 17^th 1864 There was intense excitement there, and it was here that we learned that General Hunter was at Lynchburg, threatening the University and our presence was hailed as their liberators. We took train at a station beyond Charlottesville to Lynchburg, our horse being driven over by the turnpike.

Our haste was desperate and we arrived just in the nick of time, for in desperation the local militia - composed of the old men and lads, and hospital clerks, nurses and convalescents. On our arrival 17^th of June in Lynchburg we went at one into line of battle on the edge of town. Our Brigade was in line at a grave yard, expecting early in the morning to make an attack. In our reduced condition, the 1^st and 3^rd Regiments were consolidated and I was the only medical officer. Just before day a gunshot sounded near me, and I thought this was to be the opening of the battle, but it turned out to be that a cowardly fellow shot his finger nearly off, in order to escape the fight. I examined his hand and found it powder-burnt and Col. Thurston directed him to be marched next day under guard. It was very early in the morning when we discovered that the army of Hunter had disappeared and our army was started out in hot pursuit, on the morning of June 18^th.

The Pursuit of General Hunter June 18 1864 The morning of June 18^th 1864 was hot and dusty when we started in pursuit of Hunter, on the road towards Liberty. In the whole Brigade there was but one horse. This the General rode, then it was ridden "ride and tie" by the commanders of the regiments. The men seemed to enjoy very much the prospect of the doctor's walking, and all along I could hear some undertone remarks about it. "Doctor's on foot today boys," and so on. The gait we struck on this march was very rapid and the dust was almost suffocating, but on I trudged as well as any of them. As noon approached the heat became intense and veterans kept dropping out of ranks over heated and exhausted. I stopped and ministered to every one of them, writing permits as required by the regulations, that they would not be arrested as stragglers. This all took time, as each permit had to be written, and water and medicines had to be procured for each, and then trot on the catch up with the line. In the course of the day about 30 men were overcome, and were cared for by me, and when we reached Liberty we had made 27 miles. I think the men were satisfied that I could do a day's hard marching as well as they, and after that I had no more wry faces when I was called upon to pronounce upon the ability of a man for a day's march. It was a part of the duty of medical officers to examine the men and decide what their ability for duty was. The men did not know that I was used to marching, and were surprised that I should be able to keep up. Fortunately our horses came up that night and the next day I was able to enjoy a ride, for my hamstrings were very sore, and I doubt if I could have done as well the next day. But I had already established a reputation for marching.

Hunter's army had destroyed property very wantonly in their hasty retreat, and it seemed to us old soldiers as a most cowardly fight. On the 19^th we set out again for Salem, still in pursuit. The Peaks of Otter were in full view from Liberty, and the whole country was beautiful and fertile. But the abundant harvests had been destroyed by Hunter, and the pillage of private property was shameful. From Salem we went westward and so continued until the 21^st, when we had the mortification of seeing the enemy escaping through Hanging Rock Gap to Kanawha Valley. I say WE saw it, it was only General Ransom's Cavalry that saw the enemy and had a little collision, but captured only a few caissons and wagons.

We rested one day at Salem, and recovered all the men who had been disabled by the heat, and on the 23^rd started on the march towards Lexington, and on the same day I got permission to visit or further go by the Natural Bridge. I had so often seen the Natural Bridge in picture books that it was not quite so much of a wonder. It is the shape of an irregular arch, spanning a stream which is at the bottom of a deep cut. I went below the Bridge to the stream and collected all the traditions of the locality. One was that George Washington threw a stone over the bridge where upon everybody in the party tried, and fell short more than one half the distance. The stream is walled in by precipitous wall rising almost perpendicularly above it, with slightly jutted edges. The story was that George Washington had climbed this ledge to the top. None of us tried this experiment, but we learned that Henry MacRae, brother of Mr. Don MacRae climbed to a very dangerous point, and finding that he could not get to the top had to be rescued by a rope let down from above. I collected some coarse ferns and lichens from the rocks, and sent them home. This was the beginning of my collection of plants, which I continued afterwards. When I got several specimens I sent them by letter to the Rev. Dr. M.A. Curtis, at Hillsborough for identification, as I knew nothing about systematic botany, and I had no books with me. Dr. C. was very kine and prompt in his replies, and encouraged me to continue.

When we left Salem on our march towards Lexington, our baggage was reduced to just what we could carry on the backs of our horses. This consisted of a fly tent (captured from the enemy) which was in two parts with button holes on one edge and buttons on the other. When we got into camp we cut two forked branches (Y) and a ridge pole. Over this were buttoned the flies, which were stretched and kept in place by pegs and a small trench "scratched" rather than dug, for we had no tools, was to lead the water off, in case of rain. Two of us could crawl in, but it was a tight squeeze. The protection was all we needed in good weather. The order of our march was, reveille at 3:45 AM and the whole column was in motion by 4. We marched until 12 o'clock then went into a bivouac for rest and cooking food, and in the cool of the afternoon made a few more miles, and then went into the camp for the night. With this order of march we continued for 30 days, during which time we made an average of 20 and a half miles a day, including about three days of rest or partial rest.

We had only one wagon for cooking utensils, one for medicine stores, and one for Brigade Headquarters, and two ambulances, so we were not much encumbered with "impedimenta." In this light marching trim, on the most beautiful road in the country, we made good time. The road beds were of stone, and they were repaired by breaking lime stone rocks. These were pulverized by the passage of wagons and horses over them, and in dry weather the dust was very bad. We had no rain during all this march for nearly a month, and the dust settled on the hair and beard, making us all look like venerable gray heads. Opportunities for bathing of the most superficial sort were very limited and very few of the officers had any other clothing than that we had on. A pair of socks had to be taken off, and washed while the owner went barefooted until they were dried, and they were put on wet or dry according to the time we got to do the laundering. Such a thing was a luxury with most men, and many of them went a month without washing. Our meals were cooked at the noon rest, which consisted of biscuit made of flour and which tallow was substituted for lard. It was easy enough for a hungry man to get down a warm biscuit, but when they were cold they were not very inviting. The beef had to boiled and stored away in our haversacks, when it got cold it was far from inviting. In order to make it more palatable the bread was cut up into small bits with the cold beef, and stewed together in a pan. The addition of an onion would have been a great luxury, but none were to be had. Our mess had a bag of rye which was parched and a drink was made which we imagined to imitate coffee, but this was because genuine coffee had been so long a stranger to us that we could even imagine. Sugar was a very rare luxury, and the rye tea drunk hot without sugar, helped to lubricate the way fro tallow biscuits. But our health was excellent, and the army of veterans was in fine spirits.

On the 25^th of June we reached Lexington. This town was the seat of the Virginia Military Institute from which many excellent graduated who were conspicuous in our army. It was the seat of the Washington University. General T.J. Jackson (Stonewall) had been a professor in the Military Institute and after his death his remains were interred in the cemetery in that town. It was arranged that the Corps should pay respect to the memory of Jackson, by filing past the grave with reversed arms, officers uncovered. Unfortunately I did not spy the grave until I was nearly out of the enclosure but the whole to a man were mourners at the grave. Stonewall Jackson was as truly admired and venerated as any man could be by soldiers, and many a vain regret at his death escaped from the lips of the men.

The enemy had destroyed here the Virginia Military Institute, General Letcher's house, and a large flour mill. At the Washington College they over turned a statue of Washington, and all of the pillaging and destruction was of a most wanton sort. The ladies were profuse in their gifts to the soldiers and doubtless inspired confidence in many a tired soldier.

From Lexington we went to Staunton and from Stauton we went to Winchester but saw no enemy. The weather was very hot and the roads were dusty almost to stifling. The good people along the route gave to us of their pantry stores, and added greatly to our former monotonous diet of dried beef and tallow biscuit. One of the men said to General Early that the tallow stuck to the roof of his mouth, so that he expected to have to build a fire on the top of his head to melt it out. This was but a specimen of the coarse with which was very abundant among our soldiers, and this is a refined specimen.

We saw no enemy when we got to Bolivar a little village near Bolivar Heights on the Potomac near Harper's Ferry. Some of the officers had prepared a Fourth of July dinner, and were enjoying it with some of the ladies of the neighborhood - for in this section there were some people who sympathized with the Federals. It was great fun for our sharpshooters who swooped down upon the gay party, taking some prisoners and capturing the good things prepared for the feast. Ice-cream, lemonade, cake, etc., such things as many had not tasted for years. This skirmish led to a skirmish in the town of Harper's Ferry. General Max Weber was in command there, and having "battled him up," General Early crossed the river and marched on the Washington City. We crossed the river at Shepardstown the same ford which we crossed on our way to Gettysburg. We stayed a day near the battlefield of Sharpsburg. There were hardly any signs that a battle had been fought there, although the old Dunker Church was still standing, and the old soldiers could point out where our line was, for it was a very memorable battle in which 21 out of 24 of the "line of file closers" - including all but three officers in the regiment killed or wounded.

On the other side of this sheet and following are some letters written by me under the signature of "U.U.D." They appear in the Wilmington Journal and were read very largely. The description is far from elegant, but the letters will show how much feeling there was on both sides. For the time they were considered temperate letters.

For the Journal

Leesburg, Virginia July 14, 1861

Our Visit to the Yankee Capital with Incidents by the Wayside That North Carolina was represented in the late invasion of the enemy's country you already know, but we have to speak more particularly of the representation from Wilmington, whose welfare you have evinced a desire to see promoted, and whose interest we believe is your interest.

The bloody battle of the Wilderness had decimated our ranks but little, and we had hoped that the fates were turning in our favor, and that the end of the campaign would soon be at hand with but few of our comrades rendered hors du combat. The service that our Regiment did on the 5^th and 10^th days of May particularly, have passed into history to their credit as well as that of the good old Cape Fear. We want to pass by the history of this part of the campaign, for the capture of 225 of our Regiment on the 12^th carries with it many sad recollections - the desperate struggle when the order, "Let's fight it out," was given by one, now the victim of retaliation, the overwhelming force of the enemy, and the consequent capture, all work of a moment, adds new glories and new sorrows to our bloody annals.

We left Richmond on the 13^th of June, having been idle for several days near the trenches and started towards Louisa C.H., our destination of course unknown to us, but speculations were abundant. In our little squad composed of the 1^st and 3^rd Regiments, the vacancies were painful. We had never commenced campaign with so few. The larger portion lingering in Yankee prisons, two of them under the ceaseless boom of the guns of Charleston, two of them, Capt. E.H.A. and Sergt. Maj. R.F. McR., sleeping the last sleep of death. We exchanged gladly the free air of the country for the foul air of the trenches, and in spite of the casualties to our Regiments, we left Richmond with lighter hearts since the battle of the 12^th.

We passed on the second day of our march the battlefield upon which our cavalry fought against a raiding party, sent out from the right wing of the Yankee army to destroy the Virginia Central R.R. and make a junction with Hunter's cavalry at Charlottesville. They were whipped badly after a severe fight, which drew from the infantry praise, not reluctantly bestowed.

Leaving Louis C.H. we took direct route for Charlottesville, and arrived there on the morning of the 16^th, a day long to be remembered by us as a bright one in our soldier life. The morning's march had been a very hot one, we were dashing off at the rate of 25 miles an hour, the day we arrived at Charlottesville. We rested ten minutes n the street to receive the most lavish testimonials of the appreciation of our service to their country by these good people. Refreshments were distributed, tobacco given away at the rate of two or three boxes to a small regiment, and a variety of articles of special value to soldiers were distributed profusely; kind words, approving smiles, and the God speed were given to lighten the burden and heat of the day, and make us feel that although soldiers were no rarity in their town, yet they had not forgotten that though rough and dirty, we were their defenders and fellow citizens. In behalf of the 1^st and 3^rd North Carolina, we return thanks for the pleasure of the good people of Charlottesville caused us and only hope we have been able in this campaign to render them some material return for their benefactions. We had the pleasure of visiting the University, that noble work which does honor to Jefferson, who conceived the state of Virginia which executed the plan of the best school of the country. The halls of the University are vacated, but every thing is kept in good repair. Several of the professors still live in the college, and are doing duty in the hospital. We rejoiced to feel that such a noble institution had been saved from the fiendish hands of the vandals.

Our command took train for Lynchburg on the 17^th and arriving the same evening formed line of battle near town. The day was too far spent to attack the enemy and the next day before light we were making preparations for battle; but the keen Hunter took the precaution to evacuate his position and was in full retreat before we discovered through the smoke of the morning that he had left. And now commenced a chase which caused us the most rapid marching of the war. The first day from Lynchburg, Gordon in front, Rhodes next, and so on, we halted near Liberty, 27 miles from our starting point only to get a little fight out of their rear in which General Robert Ransom only was engaged.

From our bivouac near Liberty, we could see plainly the Peaks of Otter, the highest point of the Blue Ridge in Virginia. The mountain scenery of this part of the ridge is by far the most picturesque of the state. The whole country along the entire line of our march after leaving Liberty, is extremely fertile and groans under the burden of the largest crops ever made in the country. But the despoiling hand of the vandal had cursed the country with desolation. The track of Hunter's retreat was a scene of shameful pillaging and this under his sanction - a Major General in the UNION army. The tale of the needles depredations should not fall heedless on the ears of the country, the attestations of a whole corps of men confirms it. Cattle, chickens, hogs, sheep and every other thing upon which they could vent their malice were killed and when not eaten, left to rot upon the ground. Carriages were destroyed, wagons burned, women insulted, and acts of vandalism (Yankeeism should be the term) which we blush to record. A more hellish set of fiends were never before turned loose in the loveliest valley of Virginia.

Day after day we continued the march in hot pursuit, each evening bringing new hope, that the next day, we would be able to overtake the enemy and administer to him a punishment adequate to his crime. On the evening of the 21^st, after a hard day's march, we were mortified to see the demoralized and scattered remnants of Hunter's forces clambering up over the mountain going through Hanging Rock Gap in the Allegheny. General Ransom's cavalry succeeded here in taking several wagons and pieces of artillery, burning many pieces and capturing a few prisoners. We made a day's rest at Salem, and on the 23^rd we took up the line of march towards Lexington.

Of course no one will imagine that General Lee sent General Early out on a sight seeing expedition, when our "Rebel Capital is besieged" but no one will doubt particularly any member of the Telegraph Corps that we DID SEE SIGHTS. On the 23^rd Breckinridge and Gordon marched by the natural Bridge and Rhodes and Ramseur within three miles of it. Permission was given by the General for all mounted officers to visit this great work of nature. No one needs a description of the Natural Bridge; but how ever grand one has imagined the scenery, he will find the reality to exceed it. It was well worth the weary pilgrimage of ten days march to see the greatest natural wonder in the state. We saw the imaginary eagle in the summit of the archway; the imaginary English Coat of Arms; all formed by lichen which clings to the rocks. We had pointed out to us the letters of G. Washington carved in the stone, which were once quite plain, but time has nearly effaced the last vestige of them. A town man of ours is said to have been critically suspending in attempting to put his name on the ledge above that of the great Washington.

We reached Lexington on the 25^th day of June at noon. Every preparation had been made for us to pay a tribute of respect to the grave of our lamented hero- Stonewall Jackson- by his old corps. The whole corps filed by the grave in double ranks, arms reversed and officers dismounted. Every one uncovered his head at the grave, while sadness was depicted on the countenances of all, the bands playing some sweet solemn dirges. The grave was profusely ornamented with sweet flowers, while a large national flag, a present from England, floated mournfully over it. The scene was simple but impressive, and caused all fresh regrets that the greatest genius of the war was resting in the grave before his country's liberty was achieved. May God give us more of the genius of Stonewall Jackson.

The ladies of Lexington not only cheered us by their presence on the sidewalk and at the windows, but by distributing to the poor thirsty soldiers something to eat and drink. In the very town of Lexington, the blackened ruins of Governor Letcher's home stood a memorial of the fiendish enemy, and then too, just above the Governor's house, the Lexington Military Institute lays in ruins. A large flour mill on the canal, was also a victim of the torch of the enemy, "Because forsooth," it fed the rebels- not the army, but the Confederate citizens. Our army crossed the James at Lexington, fully determined that they would make the enemy suffer a retaliation when it should be our fortune to invade. Upon the pedestal of a monument in Lexington the following was inscribed in lead pencil: "We swear we will destroy one College and one Gubernatorial Mansion in the enemy's country, in retaliation for the outrages perpetuated in Lexington." 1^st Md. Cavalry.

Nothing of interest transpired in our long march from Lexington to Staunton, and from Staunton to Winchester, except that we were cheered by the unequaled hospitality of the good people of the valley and luxuriated in the good things which we know but few of our people at home can enjoy. We have never seen before such continuous hot weather, and super added to the excessive heat was the dust. For thirty days have we been upon the tramp from Virginia to Maryland and back and only once have we had a shower. The fatigue in consequence of this protracted drought were very unusual, and yet this corps accomplished in eighteen successive days and average of twenty-three miles a day. And even to the time we formed line of battle under the walls of the Yankee capital, including our stoppages from every cause, and comprising a space of time nearly one month, we averaged twenty-one and a half miles a day.

On the 4^th of July we astonished Max Weber by attacking him in his impregnable fastness upon Arlington and Maryland Heights, around Harper's Ferry from the Virginia side. Here was accomplished an important purpose, although we did not succeed in capturing the place. However no one will ever imagine that we could have captured such a place, after seeing the position. Jackson taught the Yankees that Maryland Heights was the key to Harper's Ferry and since its first capture they had made the position quite formidable. To accomplish the ultimate design of our campaign it was not necessary that we capture this place, but draw upon Washington for troops, and thereby keep all the Yankees out of our way, by strengthening Harper's Ferry in our rear, and wakening Washington City in our front.

No regular line of battle was engaged in the attack, but our sharp shooter drove the enemy from Bolivar, and part of the town of Harper's Ferry, capturing thereby quite a quantity of Commissary stores, even a plenty of luxuries. How strange to see "Confeds." with cigar, sugar, coffee, lemons, whiskey and everything which the most fastidious soldier could desire. But while we record the deed of daring, which adds page after page of glory to our country's history, we must relate with a degree of shame, which we can't conceal the outrageous conduct of some of our men. We did not blame our sharp shooters for partaking of the 4^th of July dinner which the Yankee officers had prepared in Bolivar in honor of their national jubilee, for we know the weakness that Confederates have for a nice dinner when ornamented and illuminate with good wines and fruits, but some STRAGGLERS even under the fire of the enemy's guns, plundered private property to a shameful extent. There was legitimate plunder enough in the town for all, but STRAGGLERS are fastidious brutes, and they could not satiate their greed until they had destroyed a large quantity of illegitimate plunder. You may rest assured that the General took prompt measures to prevent a repetition of the outrage, and that not our army, but our STRAGGLERS are charged with this charge of the violation of the rules of war.

We crossed the Potomac River at Shepardstown on the 5^th day of July, leaving Max Weber to shell the empty woods from his secure eminence unable to communicate with Washington City. To say that the whole of the Yankee nation was surprised to see an army entering their territory, which they supposed was fully employed by Grant, would but feebly express the indignation depicted upon the faces on the citizens of Yankee-land as our column marched into their country.

We passed by the ever memorable and sanguinary battle field of Sharpsburg. We saw the old church riddled with rifle shots, the memorable Antietam Creek, and all of those spots which brought back to those of us who were in the first Maryland Campaign, the unwelcome recollections of a hard fought battle, which did more to cripple us than any blow the enemy ever dealt us. We saw the fence of which Lt. C. said that the rails of it were KEPT CONSTANTLY IN THE AIR by the artillery of each side. The hole in the side of the hill which sheltered, who was not eager for military glory at so hazardous a price; the opening upon the mountain occupied by McClellen's Signal Corps and more memorable to the 3^rd Regiment than all other spots on that field, the place where it fought, not only fought but maintained its position in the most sanguinary battle of the war against fearful odds, when other regiments had fled from the same field, inflicting upon the enemy a severe castigation, and making a very decided influence upon the issue of the day's battle. It was there our gallant Colonel was disabled for the war, and the lamented Williams, Meares, Cowan, Quince, McNair, Speight, and a host of other gallant men fell, some of who had never before been under fire.

From Sharpsburg we moved upon Frederick City by way of Crampton's Gap, passing through Merry Valley, one of the most lovely spots in Maryland. Every spot of ground through out the whole valley under cultivation, groaning with the burden of abundant crops, enjoying undisturbed repose, not mark of vandalism to be seen. It was the battle of this Gap, that Col. Lamar of Cobb's legion fell. At the village of Burketsville rest not only the remains of Col. Lamar but of a number of our gallant braves.

Our division was rear guard of the corps of Maryland and brigades and detachments of brigades were sent in different directions to watch the various gaps which open into this fertile little valley. On the 9^th of July we formed a line of battle near Frederick City at Monocracy Junction. A battle ensued there between our forces and the 6^th Army Corps (U.S.) Under General Wallace. At sundown Wallace was in full retreat, and we captors of about a hundred prisoners, the enemy leaving about two hundred wounded and a large number of dead upon the field. Our loss was three hundred in our entire corps, Ramseur and Gordon only being partially engaged.

We saw for the first time in this campaign the real sentiment of the people of Maryland. The sad truth is they are sorely oppressed, and with the system of espionage employed by the United States to keep them in subjection we have but little to hope, except by a successful occupation of the state. They are with us. We believe today the real original elements of the State are with us, and that their heart's desire unites their destiny with ours. Their kindness to us and their prayers fore our success, tell us what they feel. Remember, you who stand a far off and call Maryland a Yankee State, that you do her injustice. An anthem would have been sung in every church in Maryland had we been successful in capturing the Yankee Capital. Had you seen the kind attention of the lovely Maryland ladies, their well wishes and hopes that we would relieve their state from thraldom, you would have been impressed as this Corps was with the greatest respect and warmest sympathy for this poor noble state. But alas, she is lost to us and lost to herself. Without we can rescue her by an army, she is destined to be a mere dependency of the United States.

Recruits come in from all parts of the State; whole cavalry brigades were mounted and the oppressors of the good people of the State - we mean the Lincolnites - were punished, by being forced to donate their horses and provisions for the good of our service. On the 12^th day of July we were in line of battle under the forts of Washington City, some distance nearer the Yankee capital than Grant had been to ours since his so called siege of Richmond. The suburban Washingtonians (Secessionists) we were quite confident that we would meet but little resistance in the attack, but not one of the most sanguine of us thought we could take this walled city. It was not the design to make an attempt on Washington, to decimate our ranks by an attack upon a place which a handful of men could hold against great odds, and with a shattered army have the great Potomac at our backs. The sequel will show why we threatened Washington.

What a record to show the world. Our won capital "BESIEGED." "The backbone of the rebellion crushed," and a corps to spare to go into the enemy's country to knock at the gates of his own CAPITAL. Where was Mr. Lincoln, all this time, the men would ask. Some would reply that "he was brushing up his Scotch cap for another Hegira." But somebody was at home for at our first approach Mr. Lincoln's butler (perhaps the BEAST) commenced issuing "lamp-posts," cans of preserves (perhaps grape) to us, in honor of our arrival.

We formed a lone of battle on the N.W. side of the city and advanced sharp shooter. The enemy opened from his heavy guns from the forts, causing bu few causalities to us. In fact we have never seen artillery used with such poor effect. With their position the enemy has no excuse for not inflicting severe injury upon us. We employed them busily all the 12^th and 13^th with our sharp shooters.

The troops which we first engaged were evidently citizens, as they were not in uniform; but the soldiers came in afterwards, reinforcements from Wallace and elsewhere.

While we were engaging the attention of the enemy, at Washington, Col. Bradley Johnston, commanding Imboden's Brigade, was paying his attentions to Baltimore. He cut the bridges over Powder Mill and Bush Creeks, and destroyed some railroads between Baltimore and Philadelphia, and between Baltimore and Washington. By order of Gen. Johnston, Governor Bradford's house was burned in retaliation for the burning of Governor Letcher's house in Lexington, and that too, within three or four miles of Baltimore. He also captured about three hundred mules which a dealer was carrying into Washington for the army. So you can readily imagine that General Early's visit to the Yankee country produced no little terror.

To sum up the whole campaign, Early whipped two armies out of the way, one at Lynchburg and one at Frederick City, passed on to their capital, made important captures of cattle, horses and mules; subsisted our army upon the enemy eight days, levied upon Frederick $200,000 in GREENBACKS; and after drawing away reinforcements from the front of General Lee and harnessed the denizens of Yankee Sodom recrossed the Potomac leisurely with about four hundred prisoners, with a loss to ourselves of less than 300 men.

Beyond a doubt this has been the most important invasion into the enemy's country, the most advantageous to us, and the most disastrous to the North. Numerically we are stronger than when we entered; many having rallied to the Southern cross. This invasion proves General Early's capacity for commanding an army and give him rank among our best corps commanders. If the old gentleman did march us hard, and if we did say very emphatic things about him when the hot sun was overcoming us, we ask the old gentleman's pardon, for this the only man who had ever given us a peep at the dome of the Yankee Capital.

We don't wish to make the last paragraph tell of the disorderly acts of our Army, but we must certainly have men in our army, whom it would mean are apt scholars of the Yankee depredations. We mention these acts to let the world know that the sacking of houses near our line of battle, the burning of Montgomery Blair's house, were unauthorized acts of exasperated villains, and for which the Government is not responsible. Prompt means have been taken to detect the depredations. We will leave the people of Maryland to say how far we respect their property and rights.

Too much praise cannot be awarded our brave men for their unflinching endurance in this campaign. In spite of the fatigue, our Corps is in a better condition that when it left Richmond. We shall long remember Early's Antiscorbutic Campaign (as it has been facetiously called) all over Virginia and a part of Maryland.

We are now resting in the loveliest part of Virginia, surrounded by kind friends, who are continually exerting themselves for our comfort. God bless these lovely women of the valley.

Army Correspondence for the Journal

The Continuation of General Early's Antiscorbutic Campaign

Bivouac near Bunker Hill, Va.

August 4, 1864

When you last heard form us, we were in the camp between Berryville and Charlestown, with a promise that we should there enjoy the rest and comforts which the hospitable neighborhood offered so abundantly. But our stay was destined to be short.

General Breckenridge's corps was in position to watch the Charleston Turn Pike, while Rhodes, Ramseur and Gordon of Early's Corps, guarded Rocks, Snicker's and Ashby's Gaps. Our calvary in the meantime was partly on out post duty, and rested in camp to recruit, after their excessive labor in the campaign in the enemy's country.

We purposely omitted to tell you of an exciting mishap which occurred on the east side of the Blue Ridge, near Snicker's Gap. Early in the day we had intimation about our wagon train. Our train was between two divisions of infantry, but unprotected upon the flanks, and marching in single line.

About noon a heavy cloud of dust was raised upon the right of the road, which proved to be a body of cavalry, 200 or 300 strong, a party of Averill's command. We were on the slopes of the hill when the alarm was given of the approach of the enemy. Our column was halted, and having gained the summit of the hill, the action was much more distinct to us than to those nearer the clouds of dust being almost impenetrable.

It seemed that this cavalry had been in ambush near the road and as soon as our wagon train came in full view, they put two rifle pieces into position, which soon commenced shelling vigorously, while a squadron of horsemen charged upon our unprotected train, carrying off about thirty wagons before our infantry came up. Col. Cook (now Gen.) Came up with his Brigade of Georgians, and pursued the enemy, killing or wounding five or six, and capturing three. All the wagons except six, which belonged to General Ransom's cavalry (Macuslands Brigade) and which the infantry troops declared to be only loads of calico, were recaptured, together with the mules; the enemy's artillery, and a quantity of small arms were also taken. It is rather doubtful if this boldness of the Yankees did us any harm. We lost only one poor fellow, a wagoner from Grime's Brigade, in the skirmish. It was asserted that a Q.M killed a Yankee Sergeant with his won hands, but we heard a "SHOOTER" claim the same thing; and in corroboration of the later statement General Cook said he (the Yankee) was killed by one of his men, who threw himself between him and the Yankee when he was attacked unarmed. The scene was quite an exciting one for a few minutes, and has had its good effect. It taught a single but important lesson to those who should have known better. An accident of this sort, frequently occurring, would put in serious jeopardy our entire transportation, which we assure you is now quite small.

That "audacious Rebel Chieftain" Mosby passed by our column while we were going through Snicker's Gap. He is Captain General of that section of the country, and is constantly on the alert to inflict some blow upon the Yankees. His name is a terror to every wagon driver, and Quarter Master in this Department. He so fully impressed the Maryland people that his little squad was A.P. Hill's advance guard, and that the second army corps was at the mouth of the Nococacy supporting our left flank, that is was actually believed not only by the Washingtonians, but by some of our officers. Such a man is worth having.

But to return to our narrative. Our camp was aroused at three o'clock Monday, the 18^th of July, by the occasional discharge of artillery, and we were soon en route for the scene of the conflict. The enemy crossed the Shenandoah at Snicker's Ferry and below, in a considerable force, occupying with his artillery the heights on both sides of the river. We could get no position for artillery, which gave to him the advantage of employing his batteries entirely upon our infantry column. General Rhodes engaged the enemy about four o'clock and the tale is soon told: The Yankees were driven pell mell into the river, with a heavy loss in killed and wounded; but few prisoners fell into our hands. General Cox and Grimes lost more heavily than any other Brigade.

We have to lament the death of Col. Owen, who fell leading Grime's Brigade. His remains were disposed in the yard in the venerable old Stone Church near Berryville. Col. Stallings, the gallant commander of the 2^nd N.C. Regiment, and Col. Woods of the 4^th N.C. also fell in this battle. These officers were young men of bright promise; veterans of the hardest type, schooled under Anderson and Ramseur by the sever discipline, and with the generous impulse and brilliant daring of true patriots, their memories will ever remain fresh in the hearts of the men of this Brigade. The remains of Col. Wood were buried with appropriate ceremonies at the residence of a patriotic gentleman in Clarke Co. - Col. Ware's; and Col. Stalling's remains were deposited at the church yard at Berryville, the ceremony on both occasions was preformed by Rev. George Patterson, chaplain of the 3^rd N.C. Regiment.

The loss in the 1^st and 3^rd N.C. was small. Luke Cornegay, Co. D, 3^rd N.C. was killed and private Ennis, Co. K, wounded dangerously; Private Biggs, Co. G, wounded in the hand; these men were all of the 3^rd N.C. Regiment. We are thankful that our gallant Colonel escaped again the dangers of this battle.

The enemy now made a demonstration towards Front Royal, and we took up line of march through Berryville towards Strasburg, via White Post and Newtown. But arriving at Newtown, on the 21^st, after 18 mile march, we found the town in considerable excitement about a battle which had been fought by Major Ramseur, and of which the most exaggerated disasters were rife. We were ordered to Ramseur's support, but after marching to Kearnstown we found that he was able not only to hold his position but the enemy was afraid of him.

Without assuming to be a critic on military affairs, we will state the army gossip relative to General Ramseur's favor, and your readers can form their own judgement. General Ramseur was rear guard of our army, and receiving information form the cavalry that a small force was in line in his rear, he advanced upon them, the General failed to discover the presence of the enemy until close upon them. When he rapidly deployed his Brigade but found the enemy's line overlaps his, about the strength of the Brigade. The enemy opened vigorously upon them before they could form, and driving the Brigade on the right, the one next to it the next, and so on, until all, General R.D. Johnsons's Brigade inclusive, were forced to retire, leaving four pieces of artillery on the filed, but saving the caisson and limbers.

General Johnson had fought the Yankees with such success in his front, that, for his (the enemy's) success on our left, he would have been defeated. The line was soon reformed, however, and enemy was too discreet to follow up his partial success. We lost a hundred and fifty prisoners and four pieces of artillery, and a few wounded. Among the wounded was General Gaston Lewis, of North Carolina. The disaster, though slight, was the only one which marred the brilliancy of the campaign.

On the 21^st we encamped near Strasburg, about the scene of General Jackson' victory over Shields in his brilliant Valley Campaign in 1862.

Early on the morning of the 24^th the bugle sounded forward, and our army was in motion towards Winchester. About 2 o'clock we encountered Cook in the line of battle, between Kearnstown and Winchester. Coming down upon both flanks at once, Breckenridge on the right and Early in the left, the enemy scarcely made a stand, and was soon flying towards his base on the Potomac. We captured upwards of 200 prisoners, killed and wounded a considerable number, while fifty would cover our entire loss. General Mulligan, of western notoriety, was mortally wounded and died. He was a brave officer, and undoubtedly a sever loss to the enemy. Since his death he is found only to have a Colonel's commission. Had he lived, however, he would have passed himself off for a Major General, and no doubt, exchanged as much.

Having again cleared the way of Yankees, we were soon of the way again to the Potomac. The tract of the enemy's retreat was strewn with destroyed wagons. When you know that upward of a hundred wagon were destroyed, including caisson, forges and limbers, you can imagine that Cooke's retreat, although over a splendid road, was made in confusion.

After a cavalry skirmish of a few hours, we took possession of Martinsburg, that odious nest of Unionists, and destroyed the railroads and bridges for several miles; pushed on in two or three days to the Potomac, crossed a force at Williamsport, made important captures of cattle and commissary stores, and returned to rest in camp at Bunker's Hill, a victorious and competent army.

It may not appear to your readers, what this army is accomplishing here, but if they could see the immense amount of wheat, flour and cattle which are collected daily, they would properly appreciate our work. The energy caution and daring of Gen. Early, entitles him to the distinguished place among the Lieutenants Generals of our army. We can assure that his slanders are not in the army, but confined out of the army, who are always ready to find fault.

Deserters from the Ohio Regiments are coming in small squads daily. Although we are not willing to confide in the statement of any sort of Yankees, they assure us that the spirit of discontent is increasing in their army daily; and that the "new levy" of troops are guarded carefully to prevent desertion.

We have been placed in a position lately to hear a free expression of Yankee sentiment. The people of the South must not value too much this evidence of discontent among the Yankees. A large party in the North hate the Lincoln dynasty, but they hate us worse, and will hold out tot he last hour against us. Repeated disaster can only break down their stubborn determination and establish our supremacy.

Holden now knows where his friends of the army are. An election was held at Martinsburg last Thursday, resulting in upward of 1800 votes for Vance, against 136 for Holden. Five men out of ten from the 2^nd N.C. Regt. who voted for Holden, deserted the night after the election. Send up you papers to us soon, that we may know the result of the election of the whole State.

U.U.D

Our Fourth Trans-Potomac Campaign

Star Fort, Winchester, Va.

Aug. 11^th 1864

The latitude which the Shenandoah Valley affords to armies for maneuvering is so extensive, that an active campaign sometimes degenerates into a game of hide and seek, as in the case of the present one. We were quietly enjoying the pass time of tearing up the Baltimore and Ohio R.R. during the 26^th, 27^th and 28^th days of July, at Martinsburg, after resting leisurely for several days, we moved on towards Falling Water, and encamped in woods between the last place and the Potomac, and felt around with our cavalry on the other side of the river for the purpose of stirring up the lion in his den.

But on the 5^th day of August we commenced in real earnest another invasion of the enemy's's country which was our fourth. General Breckenridge and other forces crossed at Shepardstown, and Rhodes crossed at Williamsport, the former proceeding towards Sharpsburg, the latter towards Boonesborough.

The enemy had completely "drawn in his horns," so that no vestige of his army could be found by our indefatigable Mosby, and the general impression was that he was making his way towards Washington to re-enforce Grant. This being the disposition of the enemy's, their whole country would be left open to us to penetrate to its very heart.

We crossed the Potomac at the small town of Williamsport, a depot of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal of about 3000 inhabitants. The river was at its very lowest, and the fording easy and pleasant. We pursued the Boonesborough road, a short distance, passing en route St. James College, encamping near the latter institution. Many availed themselves of visiting their Alma Mater. Some of the faculty with most of the students, left upon hearing of our approach. The Rev. Dr. Kerfoot; President of the College, remained the unsuspecting victim of retaliation and did the honors of his house to quite a table full of Rebels of all ranks.

It became the duty of one of these officers of (high rank) to issue the order for the Reverend Doctor's arrest, while partaking of the hospitality of his board.

The Rev. Dr. Boyd of Winchester, was arrested several months ago and held as a hostage for a Yankee who afterwards died and the worthy man, is still a prisoner. General Early has quite a keen perception of the quantity and quality of retaliation, it takes to overcome the stubborn Yankees, and arrested the Rev. Dr. Kerfoot as a hostage for Dr. Boyd, giving him twenty days to make arrangements.

On the 6^th day of August our Brigade was returned to Williamsport to garrison the town. It was our fortune to be in camp upon the Conogeague Creek, about two miles from where it enters into the Potomac, at which place we enjoyed the country hospitality of Maryland and obtained an insight into the politics of the Yankee Nation.

There seems to be a determination upon the part of some of the people of Maryland to throw off the restraints which have been place upon the ballot box. They have but to will it, and they have the power. We heard a number of Democrats here that they had not been allowed to vote since they cast their vote for Breckenridge. As soon as it is ascertained that the citizen whoever he may be intends to vote an "Anti-Administration" ticket, a soldier informs him that he cannot vote. Now we hope they will vote regardless of the wishes and desires of the Yankees. The truth is, every town in the North had its company of provost guards whose high prerogative it was to elect the proper persons to vote; but now, all of these companies have been called in to attend to more urgent business about Richmond. So it would seem some prospect still remains for the people to exercise their rights. The Democrats, however, seemed not to have concentrated upon any man, but seemed determined to support "Anti-War" nominee. The people of the border have learned to treat both Confederates and Yankees with so much simplicity that it is extremely hard to tell one's real sentiments from his conversation. They are certainly in an uncomfortable position. One said a few days ago, "The Yankees come and take my horses and the Rebels come and take my wheat, and I do not know who is my friend." It was suggested to the gentleman that he had better either espouse the cause of one or the other even if he had no feeling in the matter.

The 7^th day of August found nearly all of our army encamped in and about the beautiful little valley, which is watered by this same creek, the Conogeague. It is sometimes called by the name of this stream. Everything is seen by us when we invade under the most disadvantageous circumstances. Every industrial pursuit is checked, except where here and there a commissary has a four mill in operation. All horses not taken by us or the enemy (for the Yankees steal from the Marylands) are carried to the neighboring mountain to be secreted and the same of cattle.

One would be a little surprised to see the alacrity with which the "Anti-War" Democrats take our money; and even those which once regarded it as trash are more inclined to give it a respectable consideration and put it aside for future reference.

The burning of Chambersburg caused a great deal of consternation among the people of the Cumberland Valley. While some denounced it with a great deal of violence, others said that it was but what they could expect. Nothing is needed to stop the house burning by the Yankees except an unflinching determination to retaliate- house for house, and town for town, and no one is more conscious of the fact than General Early. Even now from the mountains can be seen the smoking track of the enemy advancing up the Valley finishing his devilish work of destruction.

On the 8^th our entire army re-crossed the Potomac at Williamsport having accomplished nothing more than to procure some subsistence, making a reconnaissance in force, to ascertain who and what the enemy was, and making a feint towards the Yankee Capital.

Another object also was accomplished. General Macausland and General Bradley Johnson were making an extensive raid in the Cumberland Valley. They had just burned Chambersburg, had made a feint towards Cumberland City and were being followed up briskly by a superior force. They made their way out again, having had but one collision, and were in bivouac on the south branch of the Potomac near Moorefield.

It is so easy to do injustice to cavalry knowing so little of their service, that we will endeavor to state the plain case, in the affair near Moorefield, without comments. It seems that Macausland and Johnson were in bivouac, with the usual picket in their front. On the morning of the 7^th the enemy made a sudden descent upon their camp, with out any intimation of his approach, and without encountering any pickets, and scattered the whole command. It was a complete and unfortunate surprise, General Johnson making his escape upon a bare back horse. One member of the command says the enemy flanked their pickets, and come in between their line and the camp. The Col. whom we understand commanded the picket, was wounded and captured. The entire was 300 men, four pieces of artillery, 35 killed and wounded, while the statement about the capture of horses is so conflicting the truth cannot be arrived at. It is true however, "that we watch our horses right close when they are turned out to graze."

We hailed the result of the election in our state, as the proudest triumph in the annals in her history. Let her slanderers hang their heads, for she has shown the world, what her sons knew before, that she is a staunch upholder of the Confederate Cause. We rejoice to announce that the whole 3^rd and 4^th N.C. Regiments did not cast a vote for Holden.

The vanguard of the enemy attacked our vanguard on the evening of the 11^th. Sheridan was the attacking party. General Gordon soon repulsed the attack, driving the enemy back in confusion. The 6^th, 8^th and 19^th U.S. "Corps de Armee," have reorganized and retained the name of the 6^th under General Wright. The 2^nd Corps ( ) also in the Valley.

Further Operations in the Lower Valley - the Battle of the Sharp Shooters

In Bivouac near Charlestown, Va.

August 23^rd 1864

We are now nearly upon the sight of the spot upon which that arch fanatic, John Brown, expiated his crime upon the gallows, watching the enemy in his strong position upon Maryland Heights. The whole slope of the hill is white with tents, while the Yankee flag floats defiantly from the works on its summit; it is safe there under the protection of hundred pounder guns which cannot be charged.

After making a retrograde movement up the Valley to Strasburg on the 14^th entrenching there in that narrow pass formed by the Massonutton on the East and Little North Mountain on the West, inviting the advance of our reinforced enemy, we sailed out on the 17^th and came up with him at Milltown Mills, a short distance from Winchester. The enemy took a strong position on that line of hills on the west side of Winchester, and was attacked just before sunset by Wharton's (Breckenridge's ) and Ramseur's Division. The fight was quite a spirited one, but of short duration, resulting in the capture of 300 prisoners, and killing about thirteen; our loss was eight killed. The enemy retreated all night, going into camp around Charlestown.

The track of the enemy from Charlestown to Winchester, was a scene of renewed outrages. The few standing barns and granaries were burned, as well as the stacks of wheat standing in the fields. The same destruction marking his track from Front Royal to Berrysville. At Milltown a fine flour mill was destroyed. These are but the indication of the desperation of the barbarous foe, who failing to hold this country by honorable warfare is determined to drive us from it by destroying all of the subsistence here.

But the blow only falls heavily upon these down-trodden people of the valley; they bear up under it with a heroism and fortitude worthy of emulation.

We left our camp at Bunker Hill at sunset rise of the morning of the 21^st, Rhodes, Gordon, Ramseur and Breckenridge taking the Charlestown turn pike and our other corps, taking the Winchester and Charlestown grade. About ten o'clock we encountered the enemy near Charlestown close to his encampment. When our sharp shooters came upon them, their wagons and ambulances were in part apparently unaware of our proximity. Brisk skirmishing ensued during the entire day between our sharp shooter supported here and there by a regular line of battle and a regular line of the enemy. The engagement was sever during the whole day and is heaviest which this division has done during the Valley Campaign, except, perhaps, at Washington.

The enemy retreated from his entrenchment during the night carrying from the field all of his wounded which would number about 200. The number of dead we have not heard estimated, but graves are numerous. Our loss in wounded was about 90; and of killed few - perhaps 20. The enemy skirmished the next day through Charlestown with his cavalry and after an orderly and creditable resistance retreated under cover of the heavy guns of the heights.

This battle was fought almost entirely by the sharp shooters corps, supported in several places by Col. Kenan's 3^rd N.C., Col. Peeble's 44^th Georgia and Col. Clarke's 30^th N.C. in our front. This corps has done more extra service during the campaign than nay other portion of the army, and their cool bravery and efficiency has been the admiration of the several brigades from which they are detailed fro this important duty.

We saw the New York Herald of the 18^th yesterday, which announced in a mysterious manner that General Sheridan's army was about to drive the Rebels out of the Valley, and in a few days Lynchburg would fall into their hands. We have no map at hand but would ask if there is a Lynchburg in Maryland.

We know that the news will be stale, but we would call attention to the interest that Wilmington is attracting, as the only port which the U.S. squadron has to blockade and a proposed plan for closing the port permanently, which is contained in the N.Y. Herald of the 18^th.

The people of Charlestown witnessed the first execution of Abolitionists, and since that time they have been called upon to witness much blood shed in their very streets, in a war, the natural sequence of John Brown's raid. A more devoted and earnest people never enlisted in any cause than these. They have sent scores of good soldiers to our armies; they have fed our hungry; nursed our sick and wounded, and have set an exemplary of unflinching determination in our cause, that their neighbors in Martinsburg might follow with credit.

In sight of us stands the ruins of Col. Andrew hunter's house which was burned by order of Gen. Hunter, his relative, and the order written by the notorious PORTE CRAYON, (Strother) his nephew, (Hunter's A.G.), in retaliation for the burning of houses in Maryland.

Many citizens were arrested and carried off when the enemy evacuated the town, upon some flimsy pretense. The Yankees hope that by incarceration they will subdue the lofty spirit of the leading men of the border, and there by hasten our return to the Union. This is their theory, but the practical influence of such treatment does not sustain it. A lady remarked while our skirmishes were fighting through the town, "The Yankees tell us they hate us and we are proud of it."

The morning of the 24^th was one of some excitement in camp. We are in bivouac on the crest of a crescent shaped hill and in front of us about two miles, is our line of skirmishes in a line parallel to this, on the right and left of Harper's Ferry road. Between these two lines is a corn field, PAID FOR BY THE YANKEES, and in which our men have been gathering corn for a day or so. But this morning about noon, an attack was made upon our sharp shooters in front, with a simultaneous dash of the cavalry down upon our right flank into this field upon our men. They were rather keen for the enemy having observed them as they filed out of a point of woods on the hill beyond, and got a considerable start in the chase. The pursuit was a hot one, the excited Yankees commanding, "Halt, Halt, Surrender, you d-- rascals." But our men have too great horror of Yankee prisons and continued their flight, sticking tenaciously to their loads of corn, while the Yankees beat the air lustily with their sabers, and fired their carbines wildly; but this only stimulated the exertions of our men. At this opportune moment Col. Nelson's artillery opened from our line with his superb Napoleons and scattered the bold cavalier ball over the field, from which they afterwards retreated to their line.

This corps has never before fought such a thoroughly demoralized army as the one which not confronted us. They have not in one instance, during the campaign, ventured to give us general battle, and it has required by little more than a division of our army to achieve the victories of each battle. Devastation to the country and destruction to the transportation and implements of war have marked the retreating enemy from Lynchburg to Salem, and from Strasburg to Charlestown. The HUNDRED DAY MEN have deserted after every battle, thrown away their arms and sought refuge in the friendly hills of "West Virginia," and they now stand an army of dastards, crouching under the Heights waiting for another opportunity to apply the torch to our homes and granaries as soon as we retire.

But we do not make vain boasts when we say we are able to hold this territory, as long as we are not needed else where. We are essentially, "An Army of Occupation and Masters of the Shenandoah Valley."

Mosby's late attack upon the Yankee trains in the Page Valley shows that he is not yet intimated. Although the Yankees deny their newspapers that he captured their Major P.M. with a load of GREEN BACKS, yet our Rebel guerrilla is the veritable of the pile. Mosby is our "left bower."

U.U.D.

A Reconnaissance In Force - A Raid Checked - Our Cavalry - Another Running Fight

Bunker Hill, Va.

August 31^st 1864

When we last wrote we had two divisions of infantry watching the enemy upon the Heights, from which lofty eminence he was busy shelling our lines, while our sharp shooters kept up a continual firing from their strong barricade, without doing more than to keep themselves and the enemy on the alert. We saw very few wounded, and but one dead man.

The next day, the 25^th, our army changed position, moving out from Sharpstown, via Leetown, and encountered the enemy between the latter place and Shepardstown. Wharton's division or Breckenridge's Corps was in front, and upon arriving near the enemy, deployed sharp shooters. The enemy came dashing down upon this feeble line with his cavalry column and succeeded un breaking it, and causing some confusion in the line of battle. Artillery fire rapidly succeeded the charge, and the enemy went dashing on towards our column of infantry. But rapidly recovering their temporary confusion, a bold front was given, and he retired without getting in very dangerous proximity to our line. The spirit with which the dash was made, and the prompt cooperation of the enemy's artillery, did a considerable amount of damage, to us before it was fully realized what the character of the force was.

A vigorous pursuit now commenced. But any one who had witnessed the pursuit of cavalry by infantry, know how extremely futile all such cases are. On, on, our heavy columns pressed at quick time our advance firing and occasional shot at the enemy's retreating column, until about sundown we had succeeded in cutting off a small body and had walled them in by there heavy columns of infantry. Night now came on and closed the scene; the nimble horsemen slipped through our fingers under cover of the night and forded the Potomac at Shepardstown. In a fit of exasperation we fired a few rounds of artillery ammunition into the woods on the opposite shore, with the hope of killing anything that might be there; tired and chagrined we gave up the chase, and were glad to partake of a refreshing sleep and promised the enemy to make it up the next time we encountered his infantry.

Our loss was more important and heavy than that of the enemy, while the whole affair could not be dignified with the name of a fight. We lost a Colonel from Wharton's division and one from Gordon's killed and two others wounded.

There is no doubt, though, that an important raid was checked in the encounter. From what we could learn, the Yankee Calvary, estimated about 10,000 (it was no doubt less), expected to slip out between our left flank and the mountain, and go right up the Valley, with the prospect of destroying all of our stores, and making their escape into the Kanawha Valley. The acute military perception of General Early is equaled to all such maneuvers of the enemy, and nothing but hard fighting will accomplish what they elected to gain by trickery.

The uncertain reports of an unreliable cavalry as to the force in our front, while we were in line at Bunker Hill, caused General Rhodes with his division, to make a reconnaissance in force towards Martinsburg on the 31^st. The distance between the two places is ten miles and no general skirmishing took place until we mounted the hills which skirts Martinsburg. We here encountered Averill's calvary, and after an exciting running fight, drove them beyond town. The force there was certain to the entire calvary, about 30,000 strong. The good ladies of the town met us with cheer and kindly salutation. Both men and beast enjoyed the stay of nearly a day in town, and left in glee.

The only capture of any importance was that of Lt. Col. J. Barleycorn, a deserter from our army since the battle of Mannassas. He was in full Yankee uniform, dressed in the height of fashion, having the odor Bouquet d'Orleans, about him. So furious were our men upon seeing him, that they rushed en mass, and cut him to death, in spite of an attempt by our Generals to show him respect due a prisoner of his rank. Had he lived, a court martial would have decided his fate, the poor fellow's life terminated ignominiously. Seeing they could not refrain the fury of the men, the officers cordially joined in the work of death.

Movements of the enemy upon our right flank, necessitated a counter movement by us on the 2^nd, and Early's corps fell back to the point where the Jordan's Springs Road intersects the Valley turnpike. Jordan's was the rear division.

About 11 o'clock there was a heavy cloud of dust in the rear of our column and soon came our calvary dashing furiously to the rear, hatless and covered with dust evidently "what they called demoralized." It seems that they had been left to bring up the rear, they were pressed, and fired in pursuit until we had reached our forker picket post between Larksville and Bunker Hill, and finding no infantry post there, to support them, the retreat became a route, and they ran away leaving their wagons and cattle to the enemy. Battle's Brigade came up to their assistance, but after all the damage was done.

Skirmishing ensued on our line during the entire of the 3^rd and the cavalry on this occasion, made a very credible fight, retrieving the disgrace of the day before; while upon the wing composed of R.H. Anderson's troops, an engagement occurred between the contesting forces near Berryville in which engagement we lost six men and carried the enemy's works.

The cavalry arm of the Army of the Valley District is sadly inefficient, and often prevents the infantry from achieving successes. When our cavalry returned from Maryland there were no better armed and equipped body of troops in our services; but they had been unrestricted, untrammeled by discipline, glutted with successes and plunder, allowed the freest licence in the enemy's country and then lapsed into indolence and carelessness, which caused their defeat at Moorefield and subsequent inefficiency. Well armed, mounted, and disciplined, in the Campaign of this Valley Calvary would be very valuable; but as it is, a heavy tax upon the patience of the infantry whom they caused trouble by false alarms, and the country which they feed upon. Now that our whole Campaign had degenerated into cavalry hunting, we need good cavalry to do it, for we assure you we are tired performing the duties of both arms of the service.

The infantry of Sheridan's army has entrenched itself near Berryville and will probably remain there until charged out or mustered out of service; there prudential principles keep them close behind their work being already forced to acknowledge this to be the "Valley of Humiliation" to them.

On the evening of the 6^th we had another chase after calvary, which for exciting interest to all concerned was the most important which had occurred in the Valley. Our cavalry commenced the engagement upon a line a right angles to the Valley turn pike, about five mile from Winchester. They behaved well but were forced to recoil before the superior strength of the enemy. But just at the right time Rhodes Division was sent in to support, and a few volleys changed the tide of the battle and now a chase commenced. The enemy's cavalry is well trained and kept up an orderly fight, with the "hungry Rebels," yelling like hounds in the chase, close upon their heels. A furious rain storm now came up, pelting our men right in the face, but they pressed, seemingly invigorated by the fury of the storm.

Our artillery was far in the rear, being by our fleet FOOT CAVALRY, but the enemy used his batteries, with no other effect however, than to keep the vultures well to the rear.

But will all the running and yelling and firing, we lacked the fleetness of horses. The darkness of night enveloped pursuer and pursued now, and the bugle called us off the chase. And then it seemed that the very flood gates of heaven were opened. The storm raged with increased violence; disappointed and fatigued, our wet columns retracing their steps for a camp ground, yelling as terrifically as though they were celebrating some jubilee. But the rebel yell means many things. It is heard in the chase; it is heard when the fatigue has been excessive; it is the greeting of a general, and the index of the unbroken spirit of our noble army.

The result of the encounter was bu the capture of perhaps one hundred prisoners, and death to a small number of the enemy.

The Yankees are endeavoring to crowd their cavalry past our right, in order to make a raid in our rear between Winchester and Woodstock. But the ways are not left open not even the back door. If the infantry of Sheridan's army still continues to make the cavalry do all the fighting, and our cavalry made us do all on our side, Gov. Vance will have to send us up "Eisenberg Pontoons" for bare footed men are becoming numerous.

The storm is still raging here, and in a few days we will all be stuck in the mud.

U.U.D.

1864 July Although the paper clippings here given cover some of the narrative there is much that was left out.

We marched directly upon Frederick City from Sharpsburg, and there encountered a small force under General Lee Wallace, near Monocracy Bridge. Our brigade was not engaged, and I took an unauthorized opportunity to visit Frederick to see what I could get in the way of wearing apparel and eatables and drinkables, and much more from curiosity. I found that there were strict orders for officers not to visit the town. General Early levied a contribution of $200,000 and when the authorities protested and wanted to reduce, General Early said if they refused he would let his me loose in the town to purchase with Confederate money. This would have been worse than the levy demanded, and the prospect in the latter case was that U.S. Congress would refund the money to Frederick. The money was paid, and our men were encamped out of town within supporting distance of the part of the army fighting at Monocracy. I saw no officers in the town and I suppose I escaped arrest because I had on an Assistant Surgeon uniform, and I was supposed to be on the lookout for the sick. There were some Southern sympathizers, and we made the acquaintance of a lady who knew some of our friends who were at the Catholic Convent school, which was a favorite school with some of our Southern families. In company with these ladies we visited the Convent, and found that the "Sisters," as well as the pupils were Southern in their sympathies. There was a Miss Rush there, a sister of Mrs. W.E. Spring and Mrs. Capt. Parker. There was also a Miss Marmion, a sister of Dr. George Marmion, who married my cousin Lizzie Wood. The girls came into he reception room to see us. And each one gave us a pocket handkerchief or a pin cushion. We were well fed, and a good lunch was laid out for our journey. One of the sisters was an aunt of Dr. Marmion and afterwards came to Wilmington to the Convent here. The Sisters had been on the house top watching the battle of Monocracy and were delighted with our victory. When we returned to camp we found the regiment encamped near the field of battle and many of the dead were lying on the ground around us. It caused the Mess great amusement when we unloaded our pockets of handkerchiefs, etc, with the names of the former owners marked on them. Having removed General Wallace from our front we still marched directly towards Washington, the weather was very ho, and the road exceedingly dusty. We were now well within the enemy's country, far away from our base and our movements had to be rapid. The people all along our line of march were excited and believed that we were in greater force than we were, and every means was used to spread the report. It became evident to the men that now we were really marching on towards Washington City, and it caused a thrill of excitement. Only a month ago we were about to be penned up in the trenches around Richmond, now we had drive all of the available army on the Federal side from our front, and if we could strike before General Grant could reinforce Washington, we could create such an alarm as would raise the siege of Petersburg. The day's march previous to arriving around Washington, was prepared with great care. Preparations were made so that no stragglers should be left on the road side, I was detailed to assist a South Carolina Surgeon whose name I forgot - to look after the sick and those overcome by the heat. Being cut off from my regiment I had nothing to eat, and in the cool of the day there was not much need of our services. We came to a neat looking farm house, have the name of "Dr. Taylor" neatly cast in iron over the gate. The (S.C.) Doctor and I went into the enclosure, and took seats under the trees of the avenue leading to the house, waiting for the troops to pass us.

The gentleman of the establishment came out and invited us to his house, and introduced himself as Dr.- - - - - - -. He was a Souther sympathizer, and was very cordial in his invitation. He asked us to breakfast for which he apologized, as he had been feeding our men all day. The ladies after breakfast sang and played war songs. Everything was in disorder in the household, and they evidently were under apprehension that if we failed they would be made to suffer for their disloyalty. The generous host though, did all he could, and gave us letters to friends in Washington. So certain did he seem to be that we would take the city without difficulty. He told us of an amusing thing that happened. He went down to the spring to have some conversation with some of our cavalrymen. One of them took quite a fancy to the Doctor's coat, and in an army parlance asked him to "come out of it." The Doctor declined politely where upon the cavalryman said he would have it, and suited his actions to his words, tired to take it by force. The other men stood off and say "fair play" and the Doctor succeed in giving him a good drubbing and saved his coat. This outrageous conduct on the part of the cavalry did not dampen his ardor, for he continued to feed our men as long as he had anything to eat.

The work of the S.C. Surgeon and mine was not what we had expected, having had occasion a very few time to administer to exhausted men. There may have been more than we thought, and attention was given to them by the medical officers immediately attached to the Commands. We saw the last of the army pass before us before we rejoined our regiments, and when we did they were in line before the City of Washington. We marched on the Rockville Pike, passing through the village of R. As we approached the town they commenced shelling from immense guns. They were evidently served by unskillful gunners, as the shells fell into and beyond our wagon trains. I did not get on our line but I was told by our sharp shooters that they could see men on the works in their linen dusters and silk hats, evidently citizens who had come to the rescue. I took up my head quarters at Silver Springs, which was a handsome estate. The houses of Montgomery Blair and a Mr. Roach were near our line. We had a number of seriously wounded men here, but few in the 1^st or 3^rd N.C. As the fighting progressed it was evident that Washington had been reinforced by old soldiers. After a day of desultory fighting General Early withdrew from W. marching all night. There was no pursuit, and we made our way leisurely. The object of the engagement was to draw away troops from General Lee's front at Petersburg and release our prisoners in Maryland by means of our cavalry, and by the additional assistance of a small fleet (or one vessel it may have been) to attack the prison fort by sea. Our cavalry (severed?) All communication with the north with Washington by rail and created great consternation and alarm. So wide spread were the movements of our army that it was believed by the people of Maryland that Early and A.P. Hill were both with us. We got safely out of Maryland crossing near Leesburg in Virginia and went into camp.

Our men committed depredation in Maryland to some extent, burning the house of Mr. Montgomery Blair, and plundering the houses of Mr. Roach and Mr. Blair near the lines. It was not sanctioned by General Early. Among the captures was a lot of blank bills, of a defunct bank of Michigan or Wisconsin. Before it was discovered, it was circulated in the army, and men bought from the farmers offering their choice between our Confederate money and their stolen notes, and all chose the latter, in such bad repute was our money at the time.

At this period of our campaign we were reduced to the very smallest amount of baggage. During the dry weather we slept out of doors without a tent and when we started our in the morning at 3:45A.M. we made our toilet by pulling on our boots and mounting, delaying the washing of hands and facing and brushing of teeth, if we did them at all, at the first spring or brook the opportunity offered us. The Valley of Virginia had been badly stripped and plundered, so that provisions were hard to be obtained, and the citizens had to resort to hiding their provisions between the ceiling to keep any food for themselves. To show what extremities they were reduced, I recollect to have seen a lot of bees flying in and out of an attic window, and we learned that the farmer had been obliged to carry his bee-hive to the attic for security. You will find in the printed letters a sketch of some of our campaigning, but when disasters came I had no heart to write to the papers, and I did not wish to depress the people at home.

Up to the 19^th of September 1864 we had been masters of the Valley. Our victories constantly drew troops from Grant's front at Petersburg and it became necessary that we should be beaten. The Northern Army was reinforced, until their calvary numbers as many troops as the whole of our army. It was evident therefore that our army must be maneuvered with superior skill or be beaten. The date mentioned our small army was divided, one half being at Bunker Hill, the other at Stevenson's Station near Winchester. I belonged to Rhodes Division (Ramseur's old, now Cox's Brigade) and we were ordered to march towards Winchester, and as we neared the town we heard the roaring of cannons and sharp musketry, Gen. Rhodes pushed on. I was riding at his side talking very pleasantly and took the good opportunity to tell him that his order "That the position of the Assistant Surgeons in the time of battle should be with the line of file closers" could no be carried out. That few surgeons had the coolness to dress a wound under fire, and that it was rarer still to find a wounded man who could get away who would stop to have his wound dressed. His only reply was "You have heard my order" and changed the subject. In a few minutes our whole division was faced to the front, General Rhodes with them and a terrific fight took place in a very few minutes he was killed, falling almost in the arms of Col. Thurston of our Regiment. He was wet with blood. It was a desperate fight, General Ramseur had been holding the line until he was nearly exhausted, and when our Division came up we drove the enemy quite briskly but they were too strong for us and our calvary gave way on our let flank, and soon the enemy poured in, and it was a scamper to avoid being captured. I had on a "Yankee" blouse, my coat being so badly worn, I found it convenient because it had so many pockets, I could stuff away sponges and bandages, etc. But I remember that General Sheridan had issued an order that nay "Rebel" (that is a Confederate Soldier) who was found with their uniform on, would be shot on the spot, at any rate that was or news, and I felt uncomfortable and made good my escape. The army was driven back so rapidly that the retreat was turned into a stampede. Such confusion I never saw, and while Sheridan did not capture the whole army I cannot see. I was told by Col. Thurston that Col. Nelson with his battalion of artillery brought up the rear, without the support of any organized body of troops, only such men as on their individual impulse stood by him. In this Col. Nelson lost only one gun which was so disabled he could not bring it off.

Our Brigade had often supported his battalion and there was a good feeling - a feeling of mutual admiration, but this day he was deserted. I recollect afterwards when we were entrenched at Fisher's Hill after this battle, that our men cheered Col. Nelson as he passed by but he did not like the compliment, and retorted "but boys you deserted me at Winchester" - it was a stinging rebuke. No one can form any idea of a stampede army. Wagons four abreast driven at the greatest speed, mule flesh incapable of being driven by crazy drivers, cursing, whipping, spurring, lashing furiously with their reins, driving pell-mell rushing into each other. Now and then one overturns his wagon, he stops for nothing, cuts his saddle mules out of the team and rushes wildly off with hardly looking behind, and leaving the rest to take care of themselves. Interspersed in the hubbub are infantry soldiers, bare headed cavalrymen, droves of cattle, limber chests, camp followers, all pushing to the rear with all the speed they could muster. Excited officers turning every now and then, and although showing in their action more panic than the fleeing men, ordering to "halt," "rally," and after stopping ling enough to hear another shell explode then racing to the rear like they were possessed. If it is dangerous to march to the front under fire, it is more dangerous to retreat, especially when a retreat becomes a panic. I was on foot, my horse having been taken to the rear for safety, and after getting out of immediate danger of capture, I trudged along at a slow pace. An excited cavalry major ordered me to halt and made a little rallying speech to me and those about me, but I saw the same fellows after that galloping to the rear with great speed. We were not pursued very closely, and it was ascertained that we had not lost as heavily as was supposed at first, and the morale of our army seemed to be restored. We retreated towards "New Market," an old town in the Valley, inhabited largely by German Lutheran and their descendants. Dr. Casper C. Henkel, formerly senior Surgeon of Stewart's Brigade lived there, and I made a pleasant visit to his house, sometime previously. We took up our line at Rood's Hill overlooking the beautiful farm of Mr. Meam. It was a farm apparently a mile square, quite level, remarkable for the mountain country. He had hay enough and to spare for our army and wheat in abundance. We entrenched on the edge of this hill and spent a day or so in quietness. The cavalry finally engaged us to occupy our attention, when it was discovered that their infantry was coming in on both sides of the mountain to cut off our retreat. We could see the flash of their bayonets away off in the mountain pass. General Early formed his army into two hollow squares, the artillery in the centre. One division would fight until the other located artillery in the rear, and then retreat and we came off the field in this way. A correspondent of the New York Herald described it as equal to a holiday drill, so cool and precise was every movement. We reached the point where the Kiezel Town road enters the Valley Turnpike just in time to retreat by this road. This we did without much loss. But the retreat by the Kiezel Town road was exceedingly rough, made more so by the comparison with the beautiful smooth road of the turnpike we had left. We retreated until we had reached the neighborhood of Waynesville and Port Republic, the scene of Stonewall Jackson's Campaign in 1862. Here we were joined by R.H. Anderson's Division and after resting awhile we proceeded down the Valley again towards Winchester.

We again found ourselves encamped about the 15^th of October on Fisher's Hill near Strausburg. The enemy thought we had retreated out of the Valley and was about withdrawing some of his troops. General Early had a council of was and an attack was determined upon. At night on the 18^th of October we were put in line of march, and the strictest silence was enjoined. Cups and canteens were thrown away and we commenced a march through the defiles of the mountain. It was so dark by the denseness of the foliage that we had to take the road in faith. It was nothing but a bridle path, and at times it was so steep I had to dismount and lead my horse. Thus we trudged away all night, every now and then the Adj. (Theo. C. James) giving orders in a whisper to keep the strictest silence. It was a frosty night and while we were in motion we were comfortable. At day break we debauched upon the plain a few hundred yards from Cedar Creek. Thus we halted and waited until a few hundred cavalry filed past us. It was now cold, and I tried to keep warm by walking up and down the length of our line. My fine black overcoat got me again into trouble. Col. Forsythe, of Ala. Whom I knew very well, halted me. He demanded who I was, but I thought it was a joke. But he showed me he was in earnest when I opened my overcoat and showed my uniform and face. He said a spy was supposed to be in our lines, and I filled the description. We had some pleasant chat. It was about daybreak, 19^th of October. The sharp crack of rifles sounded in the direction the cavalry had gone, and we were rushed forward and across Cedar Creek upon the left flank of the enemy. It was very exciting. Our calvary had surprised their outposts, and we were nearly upon their flank when some wild shots were fired. Our Corps got safely over and our line drove the enemy pell-mell. Maj. H.W. Miller, our Commissionary went over with us, although his duty was in the rear. We were riding along together when I was stopped to dress the wounds of Sergt. Major Taylor who had been shot accidently. While in the midst of it, a large troop of the enemy's calvary rode up behind us, and we were soon between two fires. While our line was busily engaged we heard firing on our left, and in a very short time we had driven the enemy's lines off the field and capture all of their artillery. It was a brilliant victory. The conception I have since heard was General J.B. Gordon's. Simultaneous with our attack another Corps attacked in the center, and all the calvary on their right, the combination having been carried out with great promptness and precision.

The excitement of this attack was great even to old soldiers. Up to this point nothing had failed. The enemy had abandoned his artillery tot he amount of about sixteen pieces (I write from memory) and left the field strewn with wagons, loaded with commissary and Sutler's Stores, and the usual camp plunder, much of which had been carried off from houses in and around Middletown. Many of our men were very needy, lacking shoes and other needful things, and there were many plunderers in the camps of the enemy. I have seen quite as many other battle fields, but where every man was needed to prolong the line in our front, and prepare against the reaction which we might certainly look for. Our final line was made beyond the little village of Middletown and we set down to wait and see what the enemy would do about it. I was sitting on my horse on the turnpike late one afternoon, the sun was about an hour, talking with some medical friends. A woman had harnessed a straggling horse to a wagon, and had out on the battle field bringing in plunder, some of which was furniture taken from her house. We were standing by looking on, for our work with the wounded was over, when one or two shells went crashing over our heads, and one struck her horse, breaking his front legs.

The tide of battle grew stronger and nearer, until the whole of our line had as much as it could do to keep position. Signs of panic were early evident, and I rode back to the hospital and gave the warning. This field in the rear of line was an open one, offering very little shelter for a retreating line. When I reached the field hospital which was south of Cedar Creek, I could see our thin lines melting away, until the whole field was dotted with men, only here and there an organized line stemming the tide. Major Ennett had just returned from his long imprisonment after his capture on the 10^th of May at Spotsylvania. He was in poor health and I advised him not to take command in the confusion but to await developments. He had brought me from home a new pair of English cavalry boots and two bottles of gin and some other small articles from home. I lightened my baggage by discarding my old boots, and pulling on the new ones, divided my gin with a friend, and hastened the preparations of striking hospital tents and sending the wounded to the rear. We had not completed the preparations when the shells were whistling over our heads, the enemy having advanced two or three miles from where they first began that afternoon attack. All was over with us and we hurried the prisoners to the rear as fast as possible. Poor Sgt. Major Edwards who had been wounded early in the morning was trying to make his way to the rear, hobbling between two men. He dreaded being captured and I dismounted and put him on my horse. By this time we had to step up lively as the enemy's cavalry were pushing on like a torrent. Taylor (this name should be Edwards) was a happy man, but poor me! I met Sgt. Major Edwards in May in Wilson 1888, he was a man of 40, stout, wealthy and prosperous.

I discovered too late that my new boots had not been rid of the tacks, and they were sharp and long. As I walked along briskly I was gigged at every step, at every step, until I could hear the "goosh, goosh" of the blood in my boots. I tried the gin to help me along for I could not bear to be taken prisoner, and it was only late at night that Ennett and I and some one else made a fire in the woods and went into camp. The night was cold and frosty, and poor Ennett was attacked with rheumatism, the acute sort which attacks in the joints, and when the remnant of the army was mustered the next day he could not take command. Fortunately he had a most excellent officer in Captain William H. Thompson, of Sampson Co, and of the 1^st Regiment. He was exceptional for cool courage and devotion to duty and for the confidence he inspired among his men.

September 1864 I have not been able to give from memory the numerous movements of our army in all this active campaign by General Early. I will related a battle which occurred on the 20^th of September. We were strongly entrenched on Fisher's Hill. Here the Valley of Virginia narrows into a point about four miles wide, the Massonutton Mt. on one side and the Little North Mt. on the west side.

[Resumed writing July 31^st 1888]

September 21^st 1864 Our line was short but excellently located as far as the infantry was concerned, but on our extreme left under the Little North Mountain was posted our cavalry under General Lomax. The enemy swept by them turning their flanks, and then began a stampede. The cavalry came in wild disorder through a little mountain, some on horses, some on limber chests, creating the wildest panic. Our infantry though was sullen and determined. The Rev. Mr. Power of S.C., a brave and Godly man, seeing the conflict that was about to ensue besought the men to rally but without effect. Finally he, with the assistance of others belonging to the hospital staff threw up a barrier of fence rails to keep them from running to the rear, and it was amusing to see these frightened fellows coming down this road full speed and finding it blocked, course around and then stop. Finally after a good many were trapped this way, they pulled down Mr. Power's barrier, and retreated with the renewed stimulus of the firing from the front. The First and Third Regiments now, not larger than a big Company behaved very handsomely on this field under Capt. Thompson (now of Taylor's Bridge in Sampson Co., living July 31^st 1888). As the enemy doubled up our flank confusion and route ensued. Ramseur's Brigade now under General Coxe (now Judge Cox and member of Congress - Raleigh District).

[Here the Third Book Ends Abruptly]

Dated: Wilmington, North Carolina

June 30^th 1887

Signed: Thomas F. Wood

(The following clipping is pasted on the last page in Book 3)

Army Correspondence for the Journal

A Humble Voice From the Army

Camp Rodes, Virginia

January 4^th 1865

Amid the dissatisfaction which arose from the Conscript Act, the suspension of Habeas Corpus, and the order revoking details have caused since the commencement of the war, the army has yielded a cheerful obedience to all duly constituted authority and has taken every occasion to show its disapproval of that unpardonable rancor which has characterized certain small parties in our country, which has been gnawing at the vitals of our National existence, so that when not engaged in deadly conflict with the rapacious mongrel hordes from the North whose whole design is conquest, every week of rest, during which time the army should have been strengthened by the accessions of numbers, and by words of praise and encouragement, from those too old to fight, has been passed in determined action against the enemies of our country at home.

There is no class of men, whose unselfish zeal, deserves more praise than the men of the army; and there has been no class of persons which has felt more keenly the bitter pangs of the war. The separations from their peaceful homes some of them with the sad remembrance that their families are dependent or in need; exposure tot eh summer's heat and the winter's cold; the expiring agonies of their friends, with whom they had commenced life with bright hopes; the trying conflict of battle all these and a thousand other adverse circumstances should have schooled these sturdy patriots to a renewal of their first vows to serve their country with fidelity.

Year after year of hardship and blood has developed dangerous men at home, whose aspirations of power and whose pertinacious designs for the construction of our infant nation by dastardly means, have marked them with obloquy by the world. On the other hand dangers and toil have produced men of all ranks and of NO RANKS, whose entire course has written upon the pages of history such a record as any nation might envy.

Young men, whose places should have been filled by their superiors in age and wisdom, have stealthily crept into our legislative halls, and turned the honorable business of law-making into a farce; have brought more abuse upon our State in one year, than an able Executive and a long and honorable history can counteract. Such are the flagrant evils that occur to us just now.

But the good of the country calls for another sacrifice from us. Death and disease weigh heavily upon our army, and what were once fine Battalions, are now shattered remnants of a State's pride. Scores of battles in defense of our homes have rendered it necessary that gallant officers whose scarred frames attest the cause of their promotion should relinquish their commission and return to the humble places from which they have arisen.

If this matter was a universal law of reduction or if all men were able to bear their share of the burden in proportion to their ability, it requires no argument to show how much lighter would be each man's burden, and with how much more alacrity he would spring to his duty.

We hope our readers will not be able to trace one word of complaint in these remarks, as nothing is further, not only from the humble writer, bu the class whose cause he espouses.

During the was its vicissitudes have called to the front, many regiments, and left at home some who have lost but few men by the casualties of battle, and in consequence some of these battalions come up to, if they do not in some cases, exceed the maximum number allowed them by law. These commands have had the pleasure of enjoying the comforts of garrison duty, and some of them within a short distance of their own homes. We are glad to know so many of our friends have this good fortune, and are far from harboring any spirit of envy or covetousness; we have enough of glory, of hard fought battles, for which we have received too much of the unfeigned gratitude of our country to balance any such small differences. But yet we remember that by this consolidation of those officers, who purchased promotion in nearly every case with their blood, will find themselves reduced to a position far below their brother officers of full battalions.

There is no doubt that such a demand from our country as will necessarily have to take place, is the severest test of patriotism which can be applied, and every means should be employed to take away the asperity of such a law, and draw some distinguishing mark between the battalions as they will barter consolidation, and those battalions which have not been depleted by battle. We are some what surprised that our Congress has not though of the matter, and paid that attention to it which it demands by its importance. If the reward of meritorious service is to be a consignment to an humble position whereby the identity of these officers and men are to be forgotten, then we ask, what are to be the incentives to daring. If veterans, who should wear the laurel leaf, are to be amalgamated, they should bear some such honorable distinction as will make a position in the ranks of the new veteran regiments equal to the highest positions in the full regimentals which have (?) seen service.

People outside of the army do not seem to appreciate the veneration in which old soldiers hold their regimental organizations - at least our sage law givers appear not to notice the matter. A tyro in military affairs, would advise that these consolidations should be so arranged, to perpetuate as far as possible the soldier enthusiasm, of these commands.

In suggesting these differences which we deem fair should be made between the various military organizations as they will exist, we will hold our views about what the proper designation should be, any further than we advocate with all the earnestness we possess, the universal application of Veteran to all these consolidated commands.

Tattler

[Copied from the original manuscript by daughter of Dr. Wood in July of 1914]

[Typed into word processing program by LuAnn Mims - January 2001 - for UNC-W

Randall Library Special Collections]